Top graft buster Wang Qishan attends opening session of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference on March 3, 2016 em Pequim, China. (Lintao Zhang/Getty Images)Top graft buster Wang Qishan attends opening session of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference on March 3, 2016 em Pequim, China. (Lintao Zhang/Getty Images)

Wang Qishan, China’s most powerful official after Communist Party leader Xi Jinping, has made a series of public appearances recently, after having disappeared from public view for months. Wang’s absence from the media led to speculation about his political future, to which he retorted with three appearances in the space of a week. Such appearances are bellwethers of political vitality in China’s opaque political system.

Footage from state broadcaster China Central Television (CCTV) showed Wang, who heads the Communist Party’s anti-corruption agency, attending a national disciplinary inspection assembly on Sep. 8.

At the meeting, Wang stressed the importance of reflecting on the results of anti-corruption work carried out since Xi Jinping took power in 2012, and expressed resolve to continue with “unremitting efforts.”

“Party Central fully affirms the disciplinary inspection work,”Wang disse.

Observers of Chinese politics closely watch signs of Wang’s presence (or absence) in the media for hints on whether he will continue to serve in the Politburo Standing Committee after the leadership reshuffling at the Communist Party’s 19th National Congress. The Standing Committee is the Party’s executive leadership and is composed of seven cadres, including Wang and Xi, who heads the body.

According to an unofficial convention of the regime, members of the Standing Committee who reach the age of 68 at the time of the Party Congress are expected to retire; officials aged 67 or younger may stay for the next five-year term. Wang Qishan, who is a key ally for Xi Jinping in his anti-corruption campaign, turned 69 this July.

Two days before Wang appeared on television, he attended a political seminar honoring his late father-in-law, the former vice premier Yao Yilin. Wang was accompanied by his wife and eldest grandson.

Besides the presence of four Politburo members, the Hong Kong-based Oriental Daily took special notice of two officials—Xi Yuanping, younger brother of Chinese president Xi Jinping, and Li Zhanshu, Xi’s right-hand man. “Xi Jinping sent two representatives to the meeting, one official and one personal…to show his respect,” the relatório diz.

Wang was also addressed, apparently for the first time by Chinese state media, as the leader of the “Central Leading Group for Inspection Work.”

From Sept. 3 para 5, Wang also paid a three-day visit to the central Chinese province of Hunan where he held a discipline inspection symposium, as reported both on CCTV and the official website of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection that Wang heads.

Given Wang’s tendency to keep a low profile, the prominent media exposure is highly unusual, and has been seen as a pointed rebuttal of rumors that he has been diagnosed of late stage liver cancer. Independent political commentator Zhou Xiaohui says the media reports should also be read as a hint that Wang remains in Xi Jinping’s favor.

Since May, Guo Wengui, a fugitive Chinese billionaire who resides in an $67 million luxury apartment in Manhattan overlooking Central Park, has made various unproven corruption charges against Wang and his family members using social media. Guo has been linked with the political network grouped around former Party leader Jiang Zemin; the anti-corruption campaign under Xi and Wang has targeted hundreds of cadres aligned with Jiang. Guo faces a number of lawsuits from Chinese funcionários, actresses, e businesses for unpaid debts and defamation.

Xin Ziling, a retired official at the National Defense University, believes that Wang’s political position is protected on account of the indispensable role he plays in Xi’s administration.

“Xi Jinping, Li Keqiang, and Wang Qishan are going to be the core in the 19th National Congress,” Xin told The Epoch Times. Li Keqiang is the premier. “If they take down Wang Qishan, it’s effectively saying that Xi’s anti-corruption effort was wrong.”

“Once you shoot the arrow, there’s no getting it back,” Zhou Xiaohui said. “The tone coming from state media has been that anti-corruption is going to continue, and Xi would be handicapping himself if he loses Wang Qishan.”

Wang’s absence has typically been associated with the purge of “big tigers”—the Chinese term for high-ranking corrupt officials. The last time Wang returned to public view after 40 days of silence, the authorities announced the investigation of prominent Chongqing Party secretary Sun Zhengcai, extinguishing the hopes in some quarters that he would be a candidate for succeeding Xi Jinping in the leadership.

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Former Liaoning Province Party Secretary Wang Min. ( Liaoning Province Party Secretary Wang Min. (

Wang Min, the former Party boss of the northeastern Chinese province of Liaoning, was sentenced to life imprisonment on August 4 for accepting bribes, corruption, and dereliction of duty, according to state-run media.

Wang, 67, is the latest prominent official affiliated with former Party chief Jiang Zemin to be prosecuted in China’s sweeping anti-corruption campaign.

Desde 2013, Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s campaign against malfeasance has ousted over 1 million officials for corruption, including an increasing number of top officials like Wang Min who are tied to the powerful Jiang political coalition that have played an oppositional and obstructionist role towards Xi’s rule.

Wang Min was expelled from the Chinese Communist Party in August 2016, and was recently sentenced by an intermediate court in central China’s Henan Province.

He was found to have embezzled one million yuan (US$148,577) in public funds and accepted bribes worth more than 146 milhões de yuan (US$21.7 million), while serving in high-level positions in Jilin and Liaoning Province between 2004 e 2016.

He was also found guilty of negligence and was held responsible for severe election fraud, including vote buying, in the Party-controlled legislature in Liaoning. The electoral fraud scandal in Liaoning led to the ousting of 45 officials in September 2016.

During the anti-corruption agency’s investigation into Wang Min, he admitted guilt and expressed remorse, so he received a more lenient sentence, de acordo com a Xinhua, the Chinese regime’s mouthpiece news agency.

“To gain merit, Wang must have offered information on other people, including Sun Zhengcai, who succeeded him as Party Secretary of Jilin Province back in the day,” according to analysis by Gao Xin at Radio Free Asia. Sun replaced Wang as the Jilin Party chief in November 2009, when Wang was transferred to Liaoning.

A member of the Chinese regime’s elite 25-person ruling body, Sun Zhengcai appears to have been groomed as a representative of the Jiang network and was considered a potential successor to Xi Jinping as China’s top executive, before he was put under investigation by China’s anti-corruption agency in mid-July.

Wang Min was not the only Jiang faction ally who later betrayed Sun Zhengcai. The former police chief of Chongqing, ele Ting, also offered compromising information on Sun after He Ting was purged in June. The two formerly worked together in Chongqing, and He Ting once boasted about their long friendship, according to sources close to He Ting.

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Party officials gathered in Beijing for an emergency meeting on July 26 e 27. (CCTV)Party officials gathered in Beijing for an emergency meeting on July 26 e 27. (CCTV)

Days before top sitting and retired leaders of the Chinese regime headed off to Beidaihe to enjoy the resort and discuss political arrangements, hundreds of officials from all over the country were summoned to Beijing for an emergency meeting in a special hotel that hosts political conferences.

From July 26 a julho 27, round 300 provincial-level officials, military generals and Party elders gathered in the high-security Jingxi Hotel to study a keynote speech by Xi Jinping.

“Xiakedao,” an official WeChat account of the overseas version of the People’s Daily, declared the meeting “the most important high-level meeting ahead of the 19th Congress.” The article headline reads: “Great things have finally come to pass.”

In his speech, Xi summarized various accomplishments over the past five years, and noted major risks lying in economic, political and social sectors. “Many long-unresolved challenges have been solved, and many major, yet long-unfinished legacies established," ele disse, according to the article.

It has been customary for high officials to meet up and set the tone for the upcoming Party congress, which will finalize the top leadership structure for the next five years. But the meeting this year seemed to be curiously secretive. Snapshots from China Central Television, the state television broadcaster, reveal a group of solemn officials sitting upright behind a spotless table devoid of notebooks, pens, or even cups for water—a stark contrast to the typical scene of hunchbacked notetaking.

According to Ming Chu-cheng, head of National Taiwan University’s political science department, the last time a secret Party meeting was held under similar circumstances came soon after Lin Biao, China’s top military commander and a designated successor to Mao Zedong, died in a plane crash when fleeing to the Soviet Union.

Hu Ping, chief editor of the overseas magazine Beijing Spring, believes that Xi convened the conference to further consolidate power. He notes that the timing of the conference was close to the purge of prominent Chongqing official Sun Zhengcai, em julho 24.

Xi, Hu said, might have wanted to provide some explanation for the recent political reshuffling and rally the Party around him.

Sun Zhengcai was the youngest member of the Politburo and headed the municipality of Chongqing in Southwest China. Similar to Lin Biao, Sun was promoted as the most promising candidate to succeed Xi as the next Communist Party leader, before he was suddenly removed from his post on July 15. In a little over a week, he was investigated for corruption.

Chinese experts have seen the ousting of Sun as a move for Xi to secure his power, as shown by the scores of officials who immediately demonstrated their loyalty to the Party following Sun’s downfall.

“Everyone has to make their position known,” Hu said.

The day after the gathering, Hu Chunhua, the provincial Party secretary of southern China’s Guangdong Province and another possible successor, also voiced his support for Xi’s leadership. Similar declarations were seen after two key allies of former Party chief Jiang Zemin—Bo Xilai and Zhou Yongkang—were felled in the Xi administration’s anti-corruption campaign.

Bo, the disgraced Chongqing Party chief, and Zhou, the former head of the regime’s national security, were sentenced to life in prison for corruption in 2013 e 2015 respectively.

People’s Daily and Xinhua, two major Chinese state-controlled news agencies, both issued commentaries near midnight after the purge of Sun Zhengcai, stressing “zero tolerance” for corruption or “special Party members.”

“Regardless of position, experience or accomplishments, no one is immune from serious investigation and punishment for violating party discipline and the law,” the article said. “No one should take any chances.”

Zang Shan, a veteran journalist based in Hong Kong, believes that the timing of the meeting before the Beidaihe meetings portends trouble for rival Party elders who are still at large. ‘It is not inconceivable that Xi Jinping will take measures against Zeng Qinghong or Jiang Zemin,” Zang told the Epoch Times. “Something should happen in the next two or three weeks.”

The choice of the conference was also noteworthy. Unlike in the previous years when similar conferences was commonly held in the Party School of the Central Committee, Xi chose to hold it in the heavily guarded Jingxi Hotel, a conference hall reserved exclusively for the top political conferences.

The Party School, meanwhile, is headed by Liu Yunshan, an ally of Jiang Zemin and alongside Xi Jinping a member of the seven-man Politburo Standing Committee.

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Former Chongqing boss Sun Zhengcai, 53, was put under investigation on July 24. ( Chongqing boss Sun Zhengcai, 53, was put under investigation on July 24. (

A number of Chinese officials from several provinces have hastened to show their support for the investigation into Sun Zhengcai, a powerful cadre who headed the Communist Party organization in the city of Chongqing before his recent ousting.

Sun is one of the highest-ranking officials to be purged by Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s sweeping anti-corruption campaign. At 53, Sun was one of the youngest members of the Politburo, the Chinese regime’s 25-person ruling body, and he was seen by observers as a potential successor to Xi Jinping as China’s next leader.

Em julho 15, Sun was removed from his position and a week later, put under investigation for “severe violations of discipline,” a phrase synonymous with corruption.

In ousting Sun Zhengcai, Xi Jinping has strengthened his position, evidenced by the multitude of officials—including from the cities of Beijing, Tianjin, and Shanghai and the provinces of Jilin and Hunan—who have eagerly “demonstrated loyalty” to Xi and his anti-corruption campaign.

Their eagerness to distance themselves from Sun suggests that Sun’s crimes, although unclear, are particularly grave.

Em julho 26, an emergency meeting of provincial officials was held in Zhongnanhai, the Beijing compound that hosts the Communist Party leadership. Observers believe this meeting was convened as a means of weakening internal opposition to Xi Jinping.

The fall of Sun and the expressions of support for his investigation indicate that Xi is gaining the upper hand against the powerful opposing faction helmed by former Party chief Jiang Zemin, in the months leading up to a major Party reshuffling later this year.

During his time in power from 1993 para 2003, Jiang fostered a culture of kleptocracy, corruption, and abuse of power in China. He maintained strong informal networks in the communist regime even after being superseded by Party head Hu Jintao, and many officials remain tied into Jiang’s faction.

Chongqing, a provincial-level city with a population of some 30 milhão, is a major commercial and industrial hub. Prior to Xi’s ascension to power in 2012, it had been run by Bo Xilai, a prominent Jiang ally. Bo was sentenced to life in prison in 2013.

Sun Zhengcai was once the top aide to two allies of Jiang Zemin and succeeded Bo as Party boss of Chongqing. Before this assignment, he had been a Party secretary of Jilin Province in Northeast China, where the Jiang faction also enjoys influence.

Em fevereiro, the Party’s disciplinary agency, which carries out the anti-corruption campaign, reprimanded the Chongqing administration for failing to thoroughly cleanse itself from the corrupt influences of its former boss, Bo Xilai, and his right-hand man, Wang Lijun.

“When Sun Zhengcai came to office in Chongqing, he was supposed to purge the ‘residual poison’ of Bo Xilan and Wang Lijun, but he not only failed to do so but also colluded with the ‘residue poison’,” said one Beijing princeling—a term for the children of revolutionary Party leaders—in an interview with the Epoch Times. He asked to remain anonymous to protect his identity.

“Sun’s wife set up a lady’s club in Beijing and had close relations with Gu Liping, the wife of Ling Jihua,” he added. Ling Jihua is part of the Jiang faction and the former top aide to the Chinese Communist Party. He was purged for corruption in July 2015.

The Beijing princeling added that Sun also sought to gain personal profits from the ‘One Belt, One Road’ initiative that has been marketed as a cornerstone of Xi Jinping’s foreign policy.

The timing of Sun’s purge notably coincides with an annual gathering of top Party leaders at Beidaihe, a seaside resort town a few dozen miles away from Beijing. They will delineate future plans for the Party and configure the roster of the new Party leadership, which will be determined at the 19th National Congress at the end of this year.

“Sun Zhengcai was basically Jiang Zemin’s designated, cross-generational successor,” said the Beijing princeling. “Sun Zhengcai’s fall cuts the Jiang faction off from their escape route. It is impossible for him to succeed Xi Jinping in the future.”

Xi Jinping decided to oust Sun to avoid a replay of a 2012 coup attempt by Bo Xilai and security czar Zhou Yongkang, said independent political commentator Hua Po.

A Xi loyalist, Chen Min’er, has taken Sun’s place as Chongqing’s chief. Chen worked with Xi Jinping when Xi was Party chief of Zhejiang Province from 2002 para 2007 before being sent to lead the impoverished province of Guizhou. As Chongqing chiefs typically sit on the elite Politburo, Chen’s placement gives Xi the opportunity to nab another seat on the 25-member body during the 19th National Congress.

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Former Chongqing Party secretary and Politburo member Sun Zhengcai in the Great Hall of the People on Mar. 6, 2016. Sun was officially investigated for corruption on July 24, 2017. (Lintao Zhang/Getty Images)Former Chongqing Party secretary and Politburo member Sun Zhengcai in the Great Hall of the People on Mar. 6, 2016. Sun was officially investigated for corruption on July 24, 2017. (Lintao Zhang/Getty Images)

Midway through 2017, the trajectory of high-ranking Communist Party official Sun Zhengcai suggested that he would have a bright future in the regime.

Sun ran Chongqing, an important commercial and industrial hub in southwestern China. At age 53, he was also one of the youngest members of the elite Politburo. Observers considered him to be a potential successor to Xi Jinping as leader of China.

But Chinese state-run media announced in the morning of July 15 that Sun had been removed from office. He did not appear on the evening broadcast as the new Chongqing boss, Chen Min’er, was introduced to city officials. Chinese and Western media reports note that Sun was in Beijing being questioned.

Em julho 24, Sun was officially investigated for “severe violations of discipline,” a phrase that has come to mean corruption under the Xi leadership.

The abrupt dismissal of Sun Zhengcai with four months to go before a key political conclave is the latest demonstration of Xi Jinping’s current grasp of power, a hint at his political ambitions, and a flash of his determination to root out internal obstruction to his leadership.

Ultimately, Xi appears to be denying a rival political faction helmed by former Chinese Communist Party chief Jiang Zemin a successor to the throne while consolidating his own authority.

Compromised ‘Successor’

The Xi leadership and the Jiang faction have been embroiled in political warfare since Xi took office in late 2012. Two Jiang lieutenants, former Chongqing boss Bo Xilai and security czar Zhou Yongkang, had plotted a coup to replace Xi; Xi has alluded to the plot in several public speeches. Since the failed coup, Xi has purged many Jiang faction members and associates under a sweeping anti-corruption campaign.

Sun’s career biography shows that he was once top aide to two Jiang allies, former Politburo Standing Committee member Jia Qinglin and ex-Beijing mayor Liu Qi. Sun was later appointed Party secretary of Jilin Province and Chongqing City, two regions where the Jiang faction is particularly influential.

Sun’s career path lends some credence to an essay on Vancouver-based Chinese news website that claims that Sun was acquainted with Jiang Zemin himself and was in fact being groomed to continue representing their interests at the apex of power.

Sun’s links with Jiang might suggest why informers inside the Chinese regime cite political indiscretion as the reason for his removal. For instance, one source told Reuters that Sun was being investigated for “violation of political discipline,” while another source said Chongqing officials were told during the meeting announcing Chen Min’er as the new Chongqing boss that Sun had made “political mistakes.” The sources Reuters on condition of anonymity as they were not authorized to speak to foreign media.

Further evidence of Sun’s political allegiances can be seen from the anti-corruption agency’s critique of Sun’s Chongqing administration in February. Sun’s administration hadn’t removed the “residue poison” of Bo Xilai and his right-hand man Wang Lijun, and failed to curb corruption in local businesses and the bureaucracy, according to anti-corruption investigators.

While it is unclear if Sun is a card-carrying member of Jiang’s faction, his political career is effectively over with the announcement of a formal investigation on July 24.

Xi Jinping, por outro lado, appears to have strengthened his political position by keeping or promoting loyalists.

With the dismissal of Sun, the only other possible candidate for Chinese leader is Guangdong Party secretary Hu Chunhua. Hu’s political position seems secure for the moment because he is a protege of former Chinese leader Hu Jintao (no relation to Hu Chunhua), and Hu Jintao seems to have been in a tacit alliance with Xi against the Jiang group.

enquanto isso, new Chongqing boss Chen Min’er worked with Xi when Xi was Party secretary of Zhejiang Province from 2002 para 2007. Chen’s promotion also allows Xi to stack the 25-men Politburo with loyalists at the Party’s 19th National Congress because Chongqing chiefs usually sit on the Politburo.

Xi’s Political Ambitions

Around the time of Sun’s dismissal, state media started referring to Xi as “commander-in-chief, supreme leader, and chief architect” of the Chinese regime. Xi is already the regime’s “core” leader, a symbolically significant title that suggests Xi is, em teoria, first among equals.

If Sun is later officially investigated for corruption, this would indicate an escalation of Xi’s anti-corruption campaign because he was at the time of dismissal an active Politburo member (only four sitting Politburo members have been expelled since 1990).

The fact that he made the arrest also indicates that he is confident in his ability to withstand pushback.

Surrounded by loyalists and with one less potential political rival to contend with, Xi seems to be paving the way to try for a third term as Chinese leader in 2022—or something even beyond that.

A source close to Zhongnanhai, the headquarters of the Communist Party, told The Epoch Times that Sun Zhengcai’s removal is not merely Xi’s attempt to scare off rivals with a show of strength, but is a part of a broader power reorganization inside the Chinese Communist Party.

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O prefeito de Chongqing Huang Qifan atende reunião do grupo da delegação Chongqing durante o anual Congresso Nacional do Povo em março 6, 2013 em Pequim, China.  (Photo by Feng Li / Getty Images)O prefeito de Chongqing Huang Qifan atende reunião do grupo da delegação Chongqing durante o anual Congresso Nacional do Povo em março 6, 2013 em Pequim, China.  (Photo by Feng Li / Getty Images)

funcionário chinês Huang Qifan detém a distinção de ter servido como prefeito ou vice-prefeito da megalópole do sudoeste da China de Chongqing através dos termos sucessivos de seis secretários do Partido Comunista supervisionando o município de nível provincial.

Último dezembro, Huang foi rebaixado e feito para servir como vice-chefe de uma comissão financeira no impotentes Congresso Nacional do Povo.

Em julho 10, Huang e seis outros membros do Comitê de Construção das Três Gargantas foram removido a partir desta postagem, bem. Huang ainda mantém seu assento na legislatura nacional.

O que provavelmente trouxe Huang abaixo de um entalhe eram suas conexões com ex-comunista Partido membro do Politburo Bo Xilai, uma vez que o secretário do Partido de Chongqing.

Dentro 2012, chefe de polícia de Bo Xilai, Wang Lijun, desertou para a U.S. Consulado em Chengdu, causando um escândalo que correu chances de Bo por ter sido escolhido para servir no Comitê Permanente do Politburo de sete homens que lidera o Partido Comunista.

líder chinês Xi Jinping, que chegou ao poder no final 2012 após 18º Congresso Nacional do Partido Comunista, moveu-se rapidamente para purgar Bo. Sua pena suspensa morte em 2013, que efetivamente elevou-se a vida na prisão, foi o primeiro golpe na campanha anti-corrupção de Xi contra de Bo apoiadores-a facção informal do partido associado com o ex-líder Jiang Zemin.

Desde o início da campanha, meios de comunicação controlados pelo Estado dizem que mais de 1 milhão de funcionários chineses foram disciplinados, incluindo centenas de quadros de alto escalão do Partido. A facção de Jiang, que teve influência da década de 1990 através do 18º Congresso do Partido, é o principal alvo de Xi neste esforço político.

ligações de Huang para a facção de Jiang são aparentes. De acordo com o China News Service, Huang gabava publicamente de sua afinidade política com Bo Xilai durante o alto perfil “duas sessões” conferências políticas em 2010, alegando que sua parceria era “como peixe na água.” Foi em 2010 que Huang foi promovido a prefeito de Chongqing e tornou-se vice-secretário do comité municipal. Muitos outros títulos, como “estudioso-oficial,”“CEO de Chongqing,”Ou‘perito económico’apareceu em seu currículo.

Bo confiável Huang tanto que durante Wang Lijun incidente, Huang foi confiada a negociar com o U.S. e tomar Wang volta. O prefeito implantado 70 carros de polícia e cercaram o U.S. consulado ao comando de Bo.

Além de seu trabalho em Chongqing, Huang passou 18 anos trabalhando em Xangai, onde Jiang Zemin fez sua própria carreira política e ainda tem alguma influência duradoura.

Ainda não Investigado

Após a queda de Bo Xilai, Huang Qifan não foi alvo imediatamente, e até à data não tenha sido colocado sob investigação, ao contrário de muitos outros associados Jiang Zemin. Sua postagem atual no Congresso Nacional do Povo está em linha com o que é comum para outros funcionários que atingem o fim de suas carreiras.

Aos olhos de seus simpatizantes, Huang foi enérgico, erudito, e poderia falar por horas sem se referir ao script enquanto citando uma quantidade impressionante de dados, HK01 de Hong Kong relataram. Quando ele estava no escritório, Chongqing experimentado rápido desenvolvimento económico. Dentro 2015, O crescimento do PIB de Chongqing foi 11 por cento, o mais alto do país.

Mas em fevereiro deste ano, comissão disciplinar do Partido Comunista disse que, após investigação,, Chongqing foi encontrado para ter problemas com a corrupção em empresas estatais e “veneno residual” ainda sobrou da época de Bo Xilai e Wang Lijun.

O filho de Huang, Huang Yi, monopolizou o aço revenda de negócios como um intermediário para a estatal Chongqing Iron and Steel Company. Huang Yi importou de minério de ferro da Austrália e revendido para a empresa, tomar uma comissão alta para fomentar o emprego. Até o momento Huang deixou Chongqing em 2016, a empresa tornou-se conhecida como a maior da cidade “empresa zumbi.” Ele foi sustentado pelo subsídio do governo e tinha incorrido em perdas de 13.2 bilhões de yuans ($1.94 bilhão) em cinco anos.

remoção recente da comissão de Três Gargantas Construção também vem em um momento politicamente sensível: o 19º Congresso do Partido chegando no final deste ano proporciona a administração Xi com uma oportunidade de nomear e mudar de pessoal, e outros oponentes políticos marginalizar de posições de influência.

Huang pode ter visto esta vinda. Após a queda de Bo Xilai, Huang foi rápido para denunciar seu ex-aliado, declarando que ele iria “apoiar firmemente todas as ações das autoridades centrais” e pedindo “consideração da situação global.” Huang também afirma que ele estava familiarizado com aspirações de Bo para a liderança nacional.

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Presidente da China, Xi Jinping espera para atender presidente da FIFA, Gianni Infantino, no Grande Salão do Povo, em Pequim, em junho 14, 2017.
O presidente chinês, Xi Jinping se reuniu com o chefe da FIFA Gianni Infantino de junho 14 como o mundo do futebol relógios para sinais de que o gigante asiático vai fazer uma oferta para sediar uma Copa do Mundo. / AFP PHOTO / PISCINA / Fred DUFOUR        (Crédito da foto deve ler FRED DUFOUR / AFP / Getty Images)Presidente da China, Xi Jinping espera para atender presidente da FIFA, Gianni Infantino, no Grande Salão do Povo, em Pequim, em junho 14, 2017.
O presidente chinês, Xi Jinping se reuniu com o chefe da FIFA Gianni Infantino de junho 14 como o mundo do futebol relógios para sinais de que o gigante asiático vai fazer uma oferta para sediar uma Copa do Mundo. / AFP PHOTO / PISCINA / Fred DUFOUR        (Crédito da foto deve ler FRED DUFOUR / AFP / Getty Images)

Nas últimas semanas, muitos altos funcionários aparato de segurança do regime chinês foram baralhadas ou de repente demitidos de seus cargos. mais significativamente, todos os líderes de segurança provinciais que assumiu o cargo com o líder chinês Xi Jinping, em 2012 foram agora substituídos.

Para os mais familiarizados com a visão convencional sobre Xi e as operações do Partido Comunista, A motivação de Xi para fazer as mudanças de pessoal pode parecer imponderável-por que corrigir um aparato de segurança que parece estar fazendo um bom trabalho na supressão da população?

Os analistas da política chinesa de elite, Contudo, ver um desenvolvimento notável. Eles argumentam que Xi está finalmente fazendo progresso em direção a fixação de uma burocracia de segurança que não ouvi-lo, embora note também que as mudanças desejadas não resultaria em um liberal, regra-de-lei do sistema judicial, dada a natureza do regime chinês.

‘Estado profundo’

Os desenvolvimentos na política chinesa são notoriamente difíceis de ler devido às operações opacas da liderança chinesa. Lendo a era Xi é mais resistente, dadas vários casos em que Xi diz e como as responde burocracia chinesa estão em desacordo.

Um exemplo recente e de alto perfil é o chamado “incidente Lei Yang.”

No início de Maio último, cinco policiais Pequim injustamente presos jovem ambientalista chinês Lei Yang. A polícia vencê-lo, e mais tarde ele morreu sob custódia.

A “Lei Yang incidente” provocou um enorme clamor público. Xi abertamente pediu uma “justa e equitativa” manipulação do caso.

Após a conclusão das investigações, Contudo, a procuradoria Beijing encontrados os cinco policiais não culpado.

Uma leitura cínica de fracasso da procuradoria prestar queixa na polícia seria que Xi, que é considerado por alguns como o mais poderoso líder chinês em décadas, tinha sido sincero com suas palavras. No entanto, essa leitura se torna problemático se Xi é muito menos poderoso do que presume, e não é ainda totalmente no comando do partido.

Xi tem sido arrancando controle sobre o regime chinês a partir da facção política do ex-chefe do Partido Jiang Zemin. a facção de Jiang era capaz de afundar raízes profundas dentro da burocracia do regime, particularmente na segurança interna, O militar, e propaganda, ao longo das últimas duas décadas antes Xi assumiu o cargo.

Dada a influência da facção Jiang sobre o “estado profundo” e inclinações naturais do Partido para com a repressão, Xi é executado em grande resistência sempre que ele tenta reformar-chave Partido e do Estado órgãos, particularmente o aparelho de segurança.

Limpando o aparelho de segurança

Em Junho 2, um site oficial em Jilin, uma província no nordeste da China, anunciou que Jiang Zhiying estava substituindo Jin Zhenji como chefe provincial da Política e Assuntos Jurídicos Comissão (POR FAVOR). O CAPL é poderoso órgão do Partido que supervisiona as autoridades de aplicação de segurança do regime, incluindo os tribunais, a polícia policiais e armadas, bem como prisões e centros de detenção.

A mudança de liderança de segurança em Jilin significava que todos os chefes CAPL da China 31 províncias e regiões que tomaram escritório com Xi Jinping em 2012 foram substituídos. Onze substituições foram realizadas no primeiro semestre deste ano sozinho.

Em Junho 9, Chen Zhimin, um vice-ministro no Ministério da Segurança Pública do regime chinês, foi “afastado do cargo.” Dias depois, ele Ting, o chefe de Chongqing segurança pública, uma cidade de nível provincial, foi repentinamente demitido.

Em Junho 15, Caixin, uma revista financeira chinesa respeitada, reportou que 14 Pessoas sênior da polícia armada de uma dezena de províncias e regiões foram substituídos ao longo de um período de seis dias em junho.

Também houve várias mudanças no nível de liderança de topo da polícia e policiais armados desde 2012.

Analistas dizem que Xi Jinping está tentando recuperar o controle sobre o aparelho de segurança com as recentes mudanças de pessoal.

“O CAPL precisa de se submeter a uma limpeza substancial, porque tem sido dirigido pelo Luo Gan e Zhou Yongkang, dois principais membros da facção de Jiang Zemin,"Disse Shi Cangshan, um analista independente de assuntos do Partido Comunista com sede em Washington, DC.

shi continuou: “Sob Zhou e vários provinciais secretários CAPL partido, CAPL foi muito desenfreada em lidar com seus assuntos. Houve muitos erros da justiça e repressão de ativistas e cidadãos comuns. Zhou e os outros também foram muito corrupto, e eles tentaram influenciar a política chinesa de elite “.

Quando Zhou Yongkang foi czar da segurança da 2008 para 2012, CAPL recebeu um orçamento maior do que a do militar, e rotineiramente suprimida dissidentes, minorias étnicas e praticantes da disciplina espiritual Falun Gong.

Zhou e Bo Xilai, um membro do Politburo em desgraça e chefe do Partido de Chongqing, estão entre um punhado de funcionários expurgados Xi tem acusado de planejar um golpe contra ele, uma trama que foi anteriormente vazada por fontes internas. Dentro 2015, Zhou foi considerado culpado de abusar de sua posição e tendo dezenas de milhões em subornos, e condenado à prisão perpétua.

Shi Cangshan o analista China diz que Xi Jinping deve corrigir o aparato de segurança, porque é a causa raiz de muitos problemas sociais na China de hoje.

'O primeiro passo'

Mas, recentemente, varrendo mudanças de pessoal de Xi é “apenas o primeiro passo” no que será um processo complicado e prolongado, shi disse. “Reformar o aparelho de segurança é diferente de reformar as forças armadas, que é um sistema relativamente fechado, onde mudanças de pessoal tem um impacto mínimo sobre a sociedade “.

Don Tse, um especialista em China com a China analista e pesquisa da companhia China Decoding, concorda com a avaliação de Shi.

“O regime comunista chinês é um sistema autoritário que se baseia na supressão de mão pesada para salvaguardar o seu poder político,”Tse disse. “O regime vai ter problemas se a rectificação do aparato de segurança é muito vigorosa, especialmente dada a forma como as tensões entre as autoridades e as pessoas chegaram a um ponto de inflexão, como resultado de problemas acumulados da era de Jiang Zemin “.

Tse diz que os problemas de Xi Jinping com o aparelho de segurança são ainda mais complicada pelo pessoal disponíveis e tendências repressivas do Partido Comunista.

Porque muitos agentes de segurança são leais a Zhou Yongkang ea facção de Jiang, Xi originalmente rompeu com a norma de promover chefes de polícia da província de cabeça os placs provinciais, em vez de escolher funcionários de fora do aparato de segurança e legal.

Mas desde 2015, oito chefes de polícia se tornaram provincial patrão CAPL.

Tse explica: “Muitas autoridades locais estão desobedecendo Xi Jinping, e têm aumentado as tensões com o povo. Quando as coisas vêm a uma cabeça, o regime chinês vai recorrer a supressão porque ele nunca vai admitir a cometer erros. Uma vez que é difícil para CAPL chefes sem fundo a aplicação da lei para controlar as forças policiais recalcitrantes, parece mais ideal para selecionar chefes de polícia para o trabalho de segurança provincial top “.

“E, finalmente, Xi será responsabilizado quando os problemas acontecem.”

atualmente, sobre 70 por cento dos chefes CAPL provinciais estão ligados com ou são membros da facção de Jiang, de acordo com estimativas do TSE.

Don Tse antecipa que, antes do 19º Congresso Nacional, uma reunião chave do partido, que será realizado perto do final do ano, Xi irá substituir os dois altos funcionários do Ministério da Segurança Pública, Guo Shengkun e Fu Zhenghua. Ambos são conhecidos os membros da facção de Jiang.

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  • Autor: <a href="" rel="author">Larry Ong</uma>, <a href="" title="Epoch Times" rel="publisher">epoch Times</uma>
  • Categoria: Geral

A carne costeletas vendedor de cachorro no mercado Nanqiao em Yulin, na região de Guangxi, sul da China em junho 21, 2017.
festival carne de cachorro mais famoso da China abriu em Yulin de junho 21 com açougueiros cortando placas de caninos e cozinha a fritura da carne após rumores de que as autoridades imporia uma proibição deste ano.(Becky Davis / AFP / Getty Images)A carne costeletas vendedor de cachorro no mercado Nanqiao em Yulin, na região de Guangxi, sul da China em junho 21, 2017.
festival carne de cachorro mais famoso da China abriu em Yulin de junho 21 com açougueiros cortando placas de caninos e cozinha a fritura da carne após rumores de que as autoridades imporia uma proibição deste ano.(Becky Davis / AFP / Getty Images)

festival anual de carne de cachorro de Yulin começou na terça-feira (Junho 21) com ativistas dos direitos dos animais expressando sua oposição e moradores e visitantes dizendo celebrações são chave baixa este ano.

Mas em um mercado popular manhã, era business as usual como vendedores tinha carne de cachorro em exposição para os clientes a escolher.

“Eles são muito, um monte de pessoas que gostam (carne de cachorro comer). É o seu hábito, é meu hábito,”Disse Zhou, um fornecedor de carne de cachorro.

Muitos restaurantes não tinha a palavra chinesa para “carne de cachorro” em exposição.

Fornecedores preparar carne de cachorro no mercado Nanqiao em Yulin, na região de Guangxi, sul da China em junho 21, 2017. (Becky Davis / AFP / Getty Images)

Fornecedores preparar carne de cachorro no mercado Nanqiao em Yulin, na região de Guangxi, sul da China em junho 21, 2017. (Becky Davis / AFP / Getty Images)

“Por que eles não (vamos celebrar abertamente o festival)? O governo da cidade saiu e disse (os fornecedores) não deixar que os proprietários do restaurante vender (comida de cachorro). O governo da cidade é sempre (lidar com esta questão) deste jeito. Se não havia nenhum governo da cidade para mexer com eles, então eles naturalmente poderia deixar a carne,”Disse Ms. me, um residente Yulin.

ativistas estavam fazendo o seu melhor para salvar cães do pote.

“Os cães são o homem de melhor, o amigo mais leal. Como poderíamos comer nossos amigos? Diz-me tu,"Yang Yuhua Disse, um ativista dos direitos dos animais que voou a partir do sudoeste Chongqing para comprar cães vendidos no festival deste ano.

carne de cachorro é servido em um restaurante em Yulin, na região de Guangxi, sul da China em junho 21, 2017.(Becky Davis / AFP / Getty Images)

carne de cachorro é servido em um restaurante em Yulin, na região de Guangxi, sul da China em junho 21, 2017.(Becky Davis / AFP / Getty Images)

Que passou mais 1,000 yuan ($151.5) para comprar dois cachorros enjaulados no mercado do fornecedor.

bem-estar animal ONG Humane Society International diz que organizou uma petição contra o festival que já acumulou mais 11 milhão de assinaturas.

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Junho 18, 2017



Meu pai nasceu em uma família de camponeses comuns na vila Chaozhong, Zhongjiang County, Província de Sichuan. Foi dito que a minha avó tinha dado à luz 12 crianças, se apenas 9 sobreviveram. Meu pai era o segundo filho mais velho da família. Com numerosos irmãos e irmãs para cuidar mais jovens, ele era esperado naturalmente para compartilhar a responsabilidade de sustentar a família.

Eu não tive a oportunidade de visitar aldeia natal de meu pai até a década de 1980, quando eu já era um estudante do ensino médio. Vários dos meus tios ainda viviam no gasto, casas de parede de lama antigos herdados de nossos antepassados, com literalmente sem móveis dentro, nem eletricidade. As pessoas ainda contou com lâmpadas de querosene dim na noite.

Para mim, este tipo de família deve ter caído na categoria “pobreza absoluta”. Contudo, dentro 1949, quando o Partido Comunista Chinês (CCP) categorizados todos na China em classes diferentes depois de chegar ao poder, família de meu pai foi classificada como um “pequeno locador terra”.

Jennifer Zeng (certo) com suas duas irmãs na década de 1980 na aldeia de Chaozhong, Zhongjiang County, Província de Sichuan na China. A casa parede da lama por trás deles foi a casa da família passada para muitas gerações de seus antepassados. Alguns dos tios de Jennifer e muitos de seus primos ainda estão vivendo em casa e aldeia hoje.  (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

Jennifer Zeng (certo) com suas duas irmãs na década de 1980 na aldeia de Chaozhong, Zhongjiang County, Província de Sichuan na China. A casa parede da lama por trás deles foi a casa da família passada para muitas gerações de seus antepassados. Alguns dos tios de Jennifer e muitos de seus primos ainda estão vivendo em casa e aldeia hoje. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

Aprendi o termo “pequeno locador terra” em 1973, quando eu era obrigado a preencher o “formulário de arquivo pessoal”, enquanto se matricular em escola primária. Um dos itens a ser preenchido foi a “categoria de classe família no lado do seu pai.”

Naquele tempo “arquivo pessoal” A foi criada para todos quando se inscreveu pela primeira vez na escola primária. Todas as informações pessoais foi incluído nos ficheiros de arquivo, incluindo todas as notas dos exames na escola, todos os comentários seu professor escreveu sobre você, todas as suas situações familiares, e todas as coisas boas e ruins sobre você.

Em todos os lugares que você foi, este arquivo seguido. Mas você não tinham permissão para visualizar o conteúdo ou saber o que estava realmente dentro. Ele só foi feito para o Partido saber tudo sobre todos.

Como um 6-year-old, grau e um estudante, Eu já sabia que havia uma “classe de proprietários” e uma “classe de pobres e os camponeses média-baixa,”Mas eu não entendia o que um‘pequeno locador terra’era. Eu então perguntei a minha mãe, que imediatamente disse indignada, “Era injusto! Havia tantos irmãos e irmãs na família de seu pai. No geral, eles não possuem muita terra. Se fosse calculada com base na área média de terra por pessoa, A família de seu pai deveria ter sido classificado como ‘camponeses médios’, no máximo,. Só porque eles tinham contratado pessoas para ajudar a cultivar a terra, eles foram categorizados como uma ‘pequena locador terra,’Que foi desleal alta!"

No 1990s'Jennifer revisitou seus parentes que ainda viviam na aldeia. A antiga casa de família manteve-se inalterada. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

No 1990s'Jennifer revisitou seus parentes que ainda viviam na aldeia. A antiga casa de família manteve-se inalterada. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

Eu não entendia completamente explicação da mãe. Contudo, De alguma forma eu já sabia que era uma coisa terrível se você foi classificado como “alto” na “categoria de classe.” Naquela época, o avô de uma menina em nossa classe foi um senhorio; e toda a classe desprezada que a menina.

Uma vez fui a sua casa, e sem querer viu um homem velho em um casaco de algodão acolchoado preto sentado no canto silenciosamente. Percebi que este deve ser seu avô senhorio. Imediatamente I foi atingida com medo, Como se ter observado um monstro. Eu rapidamente fez-se uma desculpa e fugiu de sua casa o mais rápido que pude.

Felizmente o suficiente, a categoria classe social do lado da minha mãe era “pessoas pobres na cidade,”, Que fazia parte do‘proletariado’. Esta gratidão igualou-se do meu pai‘alta categoria’um pouco.

Os pais de minha mãe se divorciaram logo depois que ela nasceu; e ela foi adotada por outra família. Na realidade, pai adotivo de minha mãe era uma vez um “capitalista,”Dono de uma cervejaria e uma loja em Zhongjiang County. Meu pai realmente veio a conhecer a minha mãe quando ele trabalhava naquela loja como aprendiz.

Mais tarde, pai adotivo de minha mãe ficaram viciados em ópio. Como um resultado, ele passou toda a sua riqueza. Quando o PCC tomou o poder em 1949 e deu a todos uma “categoria classe social,”Ele foi, portanto, classificados como‘pobres na cidade’.

A partir de então muitas vezes ele se vangloriou na frente da minha mãe e minha avó, “Você acha que teria sido tão fácil para você se tornar parte do‘proletariado’se não fosse por mim?"


Meu pai tinha algum ensino privado quando era jovem. Quando ele era mais velho, ele teve que frequentar a escola, que foi muito longe de casa. todo dia, ele precisava para terminar toda a sua lição de casa na escola, como seu tempo depois da escola pertencia a obrigações familiares, incluindo tecelagem de uma certa quantidade de tecido, que era para ser vendido em um mercado dos agricultores cada dez a 15 dias.

Quando ele se tornou um adolescente, meu pai insistiu em ir para a cidade capital do condado de estudar. Minha avó não quer que ele vá, como ele foi muito necessário em casa. ela figurou: se o encontrarmos uma esposa e se casado com ele, ele, então, ficar, tornar-se um forte agricultor para a família, e então aumentar seus próprios filhos para continuar a linhagem da família.

portanto, eles conseguiram encontrar uma garota para ele. Quando ele foi em um encontro às cegas arranjado, meu pai viu que a menina tinha um “porco-belly” em forma de rosto, e instantaneamente não gostava dela. Com muita determinação, ele se recusou este arranjo casamento; e alcançou muitas dificuldades antes de ele finalmente foi capaz de ir para a capital, onde ele finalmente conheceu minha mãe.

Quando meu pai me contou esta história, havia sempre um rastro imperceptível de desprezo em seu rosto. Eu sempre pensei para mim mesmo: Que sorte! Se o pai tinha casado que “porco-belly” enfrentou mulher, Será que ele não foram “presos” no campo? Se fosse esse o caso, nunca teria sido uma pessoa como me neste mundo. portanto, Eu nunca ter pensado bem de alguém que tinha um “porco-belly” em forma de rosto, não importa como os outros elogiou-a por ser bonita.

Contudo, Eu nunca tinha descoberto: como um mero adolescente, por que meu pai poderia ser tão determinado em ganhar mais educação quando toda a família estava contra esta.

foto do perfil do pai de Jennifer Zeng na universidade. Desde a infância de Jennifer, ela acreditava que isso é como um homem bonito deve ser semelhante. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

foto do perfil do pai de Jennifer Zeng na universidade. Desde a infância de Jennifer, ela acreditava que isso é o que um homem bonito deve ser semelhante. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

Minha mãe me disse mais tarde que o meu pai era o aluno mais velho em sua classe. Como quarta série na escola primária, ele já estava 18 anos. Ele estudou muito difícil e mostrou vários talentos em diferentes áreas. Ele era bom em cantar, tocando instrumentos musicais, basquetebol, natação, caligrafia e escrita. Os ensaios que ele escreveu foram espalhados entre os estudantes em todo o concelho como bons exemplos; e minha mãe também tinha lê-los na escola. assim, meu pai era uma figura bastante, mesmo assim,!


Na década de 1960, na idade de 27, meu pai foi admitido na Universidade do Sudoeste de Ciência Política & Lei na província de Sichuan; e, assim, tornou-se o primeiro estudante universitário já na sua aldeia. Isso causou uma grande sensação entre todos os moradores.

Tanto quanto eu posso recordar, pai só me contou uma história sobre sua vida universitária, e que estava sobre uma habilidade secreta para a obtenção de mais uma tigela de arroz.

Quando meu pai estava freqüentando a universidade, China estava experimentando os chamados “Três anos de desastres naturais.” Deve realmente ser chamados de “os três anos da Grande Fome chinesa," quando 20-43 milhões morreram de fome, segundo alguns estudiosos.

Meu pai disse, quando era hora das refeições na universidade, todo mundo comeu no refeitório, com oito pessoas sentadas em cada mesa. Arroz foi fornecido em uma panela grande para que todos possam compartilhar.

Naquela época, cada aluno estava com tanta fome e estava pronto para lutar por comida como um lobo. Assim que o pote foi colocado sobre a mesa, todo mundo imediatamente colocar tanto quanto o arroz quanto possível em sua própria tigela, e depois comeu com todas as suas forças. Contudo, meu pai apenas metade de sua tigela cheia, para que ele pudesse sempre terminar mais cedo do que os outros. Então ele iria encher a tigela com arroz, tanto quanto ele poderia, e gostei, com facilidade e lazer. Nesse caminho, ele podia comer meia tigela mais arroz do que outros.

Quando ele me contou esta história, meu pai sorriu com orgulho, e um traço quase imperceptível de astúcia, que só se podia ver no rosto de um camponês chinês.

Contudo, Duvido como bem sucedido o meu pai estava com esse tipo de tática. Mãe me disse que ele sofria de edema de fome por causa da fome e quase morreu no hospital.

O pai de Jennifer na universidade. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

O pai de Jennifer na universidade. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

Minha mãe também me disse que a vida era extremamente difícil para o meu pai, em seguida,. Sua família não poderia oferecer-lhe qualquer apoio financeiro. Todo fim de semana ele teve que trabalhar muito duro como um carregador no porto Chaotianmen na cidade de Chongqing, para ganhar algum dinheiro para cobrir suas despesas mais básicas.

Dentro 1964, meu pai se formou na universidade e foi designado para trabalhar como professor em Mianyang Finanças e do Comércio Quadros Escola de Formação na Província de Sichuan. Naquela época, minha mãe tinha ensinado durante vários anos em uma escola primária da aldeia remota.


Embora pais adotivos da minha mãe eram “proletariado,”Sua mãe biológica depois se casou com alguém que foi classificada pelo PCC como um‘bandido’. Como resultado, minha mãe também se tornou um pária. Ela não estava autorizado a ir para a escola depois de se formar no ensino médio júnior. Ir para a universidade foi ainda menos possível para ela.

Como uma menina jovem muito orgulhoso, minha mãe me senti muito envergonhado para enfrentar qualquer um. Então ela correu para longe da cidade, escondeu em uma vila remota, e tornou-se um professor de escola primária lá. Naquela época, ela era apenas 16 anos.

Dentro 1965, meus pais se casaram, mas eles não foram capazes de mover-se para o mesmo lugar. Seus locais de trabalho eram cerca de 100kms (sobre 62 milhas) afastados uns dos outros. Naquela hora, tudo era controlado pelo partido; e ninguém poderia simplesmente mudar para outro lugar ou mudar de emprego livremente.

Dentro 1966, I nasceu como seu primeiro filho. E exatamente naquele ano, o inédito “Grande Revolução Cultural Proletária” começou.

Dentro 1967, quando eu tinha apenas um ano de idade, meu pai foi acusado de ser um “peão preto de reacionários sequazes do capitalismo”.

Naquela época, ele tinha desenvolvido hepatite aguda e foi hospitalizado. Contudo, ninguém se importava com sua doença. Ele foi arrastado do hospital para o grande palco para ser denunciado publicamente. Suas mãos foram pintadas com tinta preta para indicar a sua identidade como o “peão preto de seguidores da via capitalista reacionários”.

Após a denúncia pública, ele foi ordenado a escrever dezenas de cópias de “auto-crítica,”E publicá-las em locais designados.

Dentro 1965, Os pais de Jennifer casou com outro; mas não foram autorizados a viver juntos. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

Dentro 1965, Os pais de Jennifer casou com outro; mas não foram autorizados a viver juntos. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

Como pai era fraco demais para se mover, esta grande tarefa teve que ser feito por minha mãe, que estava tendo licença de maternidade e ficar com meu pai em Mianyang, em seguida,. Ela me amarrado a suas costas com fita de algodão, com um balde de pasta de farinha self-made em uma mão, um grande rolo de dezenas de letras “auto-crítica”, que tinha sido copiado à mão com um grande pincel na outra mão, e saiu para postar as cartas. Levou toda a noite para deixar todos eles.

Quando eu tinha dois ou três anos de idade, meu pai foi transferido para uma cidade remota chamada Hanwang em Mianzhu County, Província de Sichuan. Havia apenas cerca de 30,000 pessoas da cidade, e foi também sobre 100 Kms de distância da escola da minha mãe. O local de trabalho para o meu pai para “sossegar ser reformado” foi um cereal fábrica de processamento de máquinas, que foi recentemente construído em uma planície árida, com quase nada dentro dela ainda.

A mãe de Jennifer segurando um ano de idade, Jennifer. No mesmo ano, esta foto foi tirada, O pai de Jennifer foi denunciado publicamente como um

A mãe de Jennifer segurando um ano de idade, Jennifer. No mesmo ano, esta foto foi tirada, O pai de Jennifer foi denunciado publicamente como um “peão preto de seguidores da via capitalista reacionários” durante a “Grande Revolução Cultural Proletária,”E mãe de Jennifer teve que amarrar Jennifer para as costas e sair para postar as‘cartas auto-crítica’do pai de Jennifer, como requerido. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)


Minha primeira irmã nasceu quando eu tinha quatro anos de idade. Minha mãe não podia cuidar de duas crianças por conta própria, como ela também precisava trabalhar. Então fui enviado para o meu pai, e começou a viver naquela planície árida com ele

Todos os anos, meu pai me levava para visitar a minha mãe e irmã. Cem quilômetros parece nada para hoje. Contudo, me senti muito, muito longe naquela época, especialmente porque a escola da minha mãe foi localizado nas montanhas profundas.

Precisávamos transferir entre ônibus de longa distância várias vezes; escalar várias montanhas; e caminhar longas pistas de montanha, antes que pudéssemos chegar ao nosso destino.

Minha mãe me disse que ela quase chorou quando me viu pela primeira vez depois que eu tinha deixado. Meu amável, rosto redondo encolheu tanto que parecia que apenas dois grandes olhos cintilantes foram deixados.

O que minha mãe não podia suportar era que meu pai só sabia de lavar e enxugar minhas duas faces; e deixou todas as outras partes contaminadas. Como um resultado, meu pescoço e a pele atrás das orelhas ficaram muito sujo. Minhas duas tranças forma carneiros do chifre também foram desequilibrada, com um mais elevado do que a outra. Minha mãe me senti extremamente chateado ao ver sua filha linda mudou assim.

A mãe de Jennifer, seus dois amigos e de dois anos de idade, Jennifer. Como o primeiro filho da família, Jennifer teve algum

A mãe de Jennifer, seus dois amigos e de dois anos de idade, Jennifer. Como o primeiro filho da família, Jennifer teve algum tratamento “especial” como ter uma boneca de sua própria. Após suas duas irmãs mais novas nasceram, seus pais já não tinha a capacidade de comprar mais bonecas de suas irmãs. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

Uma vez depois que tinha acabado a nossa estadia na casa de mãe e estavam prestes a sair, minha mãe me deu uma carta, e me pediu para dar a meu pai quando chegamos ao nosso outro “casa” no Hanwang.

Eu me senti muito animado por ter sido confiada uma tarefa tão importante; e não sabia como eu deveria levar a carta para corresponder a sua importância. A emoção continuou por um bom tempo, antes de eu finalmente não podia suportar um grande fardo tão ou ocultar tão grande segredo mais.

E a conseqüência foi que eu não poderia ajudar a revelar o segredo para o meu pai depois caminhamos ao longo da estrada de montanha e estavam esperando o ônibus de longa distância.

Depois de ler a carta, meu pai não disse uma palavra. Ele abruptamente me colocou de costas e começou a andar para trás. Ao chegar ao lugar da mãe, meu pai ainda não disse nada. Ele deitou-se na cama com um rosto muito severo e pálido.

Jennifer still vivia com a mãe quando ela tinha três anos. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

Jennifer still vivia com a mãe quando ela tinha três anos. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

Eu estava realmente apavorada, sem saber o que tinha acontecido. Eu também temia que minha mãe iria me criticar por não ouvi-la e dar a carta para o meu pai muito cedo.

Só depois de muitos anos eu aprendi vagamente o que tinha acontecido naquele dia. Minha mãe realmente pediu o divórcio na carta, como ela não podia suportar o sofrimento de não ser capaz de viver juntos por mais tempo.

Ouvi dizer que meu pai tentou de tudo, incluindo uma ameaça de suicídio, ter minha mãe abandonar o pensamento de divórcio.

Mãe era muito conhecido por sua beleza em Zhongjiang County quando ela era jovem, e tinha um monte de admiradores. Meu pai era apenas um deles.

Quando ele estava na universidade, ele continuou a escrever belas letras e poemas para ela. Cada vez que ele escreveu, ele usou um estilo de fonte diferente. Sua caligrafia e poemas foram extremamente bela e comovente; e cheio de talento. Sua persistência e habilidade literária brilhante, finalmente, ganhou o coração da minha mãe.

Contudo, minha mãe nunca tinha esperado que um dia esse talento brilhante se tornaria um “peão preto de seguidores da via capitalista reacionários” overnight. Quanto tempo ela tem que sofrer como a esposa de um “peão preto de seguidores da via capitalista reacionários”?


Minha mãe foi finalmente autorizados a circular e viver com meu pai e me quando eu estava no grau dois na escola primária. Naquela hora, Eu já tinha outra irmã mais nova. Os cinco membros da nossa família foram finalmente capazes de viver juntos em uma pequena e cru tipo bungalow da casa construída em cima da planície de inundação.

Jennifer começou a viver com seu pai quando ela tinha quatro anos. Tranças irregulares e banda nesta foto eram toda a

Jennifer começou a viver com seu pai quando ela tinha quatro anos. Tranças irregulares e banda nesta foto eram toda a “arte” de seu pai. O vestido que ela usa também foi feito à mão por seu pai. Ao longo da infância de Jennifer, todas as roupas das três irmãs foram home-made. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

Era uma época em que materiais e espirituais a vida das pessoas foram extremamente carente. Meu pai era o único graduado da universidade em sua fábrica, enquanto minha mãe ensinou na escola primária na cidade. Como uma família intelectual, que pertencia aos “cinco classes negras”.

Em um momento em que a “classe operária” estava no comando de tudo, nossa família era um “pária” de qualquer ângulo que um olhou para nós.

Para evitar possíveis problemas minha mãe não me encorajar mesmo a brincar com outras crianças. Se eu se envolveu em uma briga com outras crianças, isso poderia ser interpretado como uma “luta de classes” e implicam meus pais. Toda a família teria, então, um tempo ainda mais difícil.

Durante muitas noites quentes de verão, quando outras crianças estavam brincando e curtindo o ar frio do lado de fora, Eu me tranquei dentro sozinho em casa. Como não foram maneira também muitas mosquitos na planície de inundação ainda “selvagem”, Eu tive que esconder dentro do mosquiteiro para ler no calor sufocante, enquanto assistia meu suor escorrendo e deixando círculos molhados nas páginas.

Reading foi o único prazer durante minha infância. Contudo, havia muito poucos livros para ler. Muitos clássicos literários tinha sido queimada como “ervas daninhas” antes e durante a “Revolução Cultural”.

A fim de satisfazer o meu desejo de ler, meu pai começou a escrever histórias infantis para mim, e então gradualmente expandido sua escrita com outras obras literárias como romances. Ele era um grande amante da literatura.

Meu pai escreveu todos os seus contos e romances em papel manuscrito forrado, e, em seguida, amarrou-as cuidadosamente com fio de algodão, tornando-os verdadeiramente “livros encadernados em rosca,”Com cada um deles absolutamente a‘única cópia’no mundo.

A maior parte do tempo, I foi o primeiro e único leitor de obras literárias de meu pai. Sempre que minha mãe descobriu sobre os escritos de meu pai, ela iria jogá-los no fogo, mesmo se as histórias eram “pró-revolução” e catering para “a maré dos tempos,”Tais como‘Little Guardas Vermelhos de pegar um Spy’.

Meu pai nunca disse uma palavra quando minha mãe queimou seus escritos. Contudo, ele sempre morder o lábio inferior de uma forma única, com um rosto inexpressivo, e isso sempre me faz sentir extremamente ansioso e com medo.

O único momento feliz, então era Ano Novo Chinês. caligrafia do meu pai era muito bonito, e todos os grandes banners na fábrica eram toda a mão-escrito por ele. Muitas pessoas também pedir-lhe para escrever dísticos para eles para pendurar em suas portas. Todos os anos quando Ano Novo Chinês se aproximava, ele iria escrever um dístico para nossa própria casa.

Ele também era um artesão muito inteligente. Além de saber como costurar roupas, ele também sabia como fazer trabalhos de carpintaria e fabricação de móveis. Muitas pequenas peças de mobiliário em nossa casa foram todos feitos e pintados por ele, tais como mesas e bancos.

Quando era Ano Novo Chinês, ele iria fazer coisas bonitas, como lanternas vermelhas ou uma luz forma de coelho, com quatro rodas pequenas debaixo. Minhas irmãs e eu iria arrastar esta luz coelho e pavoneavam pela rua para mostrar esta bela peça de arte. Todas as crianças olhavam para nós com admiração e temor, como eles nunca tinha visto tal bastante leve coelho, nem poderia sonhar em comprar um de qualquer lugar. Cercado por aqueles olhos invejosos, sentimos extremamente orgulhosos e maravilhoso!


Um dia, quando eu estava na quarta série do ensino fundamental, um colega de repente sussurrou-me, "Jiang Qing é um grande ovo podre!"

Eu estava realmente assustado com essa afirmação “ultrajante”. não é Jiang Qing o “mais próximo companheiro de armas” e esposa de “nosso Presidente Grande Líder Mao”? Como ela pode ser um “mau grande ovo”? Como se atreve meu colega fazer uma declaração tão assustadora? Não seria ela ser imediatamente considerado como um “ativo contra-revolucionária”?

Mas esse rumor assustador acabou por ser verdade muito em breve. O “Gang of Four” encabeçada por Jiang Qing foi realmente trouxe para baixo. Eu não sabia que isso também significava que “a Grande Revolução Cultural Proletária,”, Que trouxe desastres intermináveis ​​para milhões de famílias, e que causou mais de 7 milhão de mortes, finalmente terminou.

Só me lembro de que, como um membro do grupo de artes cênicas na escola, fomos obrigados a ficar sob o sol escaldante para esperar a chegada das “Obras Escolhidas de Mao Tse-Tung, vol. 5", que viria da capital distante do concelho com grande alarde, carregado em caminhões grandes e decorados com muitas bandeiras vermelhas.

Foi um dia extremamente quente. O sol estava tão forte que até mesmo o alcatrão na estrada estava derretendo. Quando o longo comboio que levava “Obras Escolhidas de Mao Tse-Tung” finalmente chegou, que foram convidados a cantar e dançar para mostrar a nossa alegria. Contudo, meus sapatos estavam colados pela ta derretida,r e eu não podia dançar ou andar em tudo, fazendo-me sentir vontade de chorar.


Depois de um período de tempo, de repente eu ouvi que o sistema legal, incluindo os órgãos de segurança pública, órgãos de procuradoria, e tribunais populares, que foram todos “esmagado” durante a “Revolução Cultural,”Estavam todos a ser restaurado, e que as pessoas com conhecimento profissional foram muito procurado. Como um resultado, meu pai, que se formou na Universidade do Sudoeste de Ciência Política & Lei, ia ser transferido de volta para Mianyang e trabalho no Departamento de Justiça recém-criada!

Mianyang! Essa foi a capital da região, em segundo lugar apenas para Chengdu, a capital da província de Sichuan. Eu ouvi sobre esta cidade um monte, mas nunca tinha tido a oportunidade de visitá-lo desde a infância. Eu me senti muito animado.

Contudo, o Partido não providenciar para minha mãe para ir bem, como não havia “quota tripulação” para minha mãe em Mianyang.

Embora meus pais absolutamente não queria se separar novamente, que era uma coisa boa para ser capaz de voltar para a cidade maior da pequena cidade remota, e para fazer um trabalho que se adequava formação profissional do meu pai. não há um velho ditado na China que “as pessoas devem caminhar para lugares mais altos”?

além disso, meus pais acreditavam que, se minha irmã e eu poderia ir para Mianyang para estudar, teríamos uma melhor oportunidade de assistir a uma boa universidade no futuro.

Para o

Para o “futuro brilhante” de duas gerações, A família de Jennifer, mais uma vez dividido em duas partes. Jennifer e seu mais velho a irmã mais nova foi para Mianyang com seu pai; enquanto a mãe ea irmã mais nova ficado em Hanwang. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

Pelo contrário, se nós ficamos em uma pequena cidade como Hanwang, nós não iria muito longe na sociedade. Em palavras da minha mãe, a única rua da cidade era tão curto que um mesmo poderia cobri-lo desde o início até o final, quando um caiu para o chão.

Embora eu tivesse sido sempre o Não. 1 aluno em Hanwang Elementary School, em termos de pontuação do exame, minha mãe nunca deixou de me lembrar, “É como sendo um general entre um grupo de anões.” Ela também sempre lembrar-me lembrar que “há céus superiores além deste, e há sempre alguém melhor “.

assim, a fim de que duas gerações de nossa família poderia ter um futuro melhor, depois de apenas sendo reunidas por vários anos, nossa família foi novamente dividido em dois: minha irmã mais velha e eu fui para Mianyang com meu pai; enquanto a minha irmã mais nova ficado em Hanwang com a minha mãe.


O Bureau Justiça em Mianyang foram apenas estabelecida. Ele não tinha nem o seu próprio edifício de escritórios, nem dormitórios para o pessoal. Ao invés, tanto o seu escritório e dormitórios para funcionários foram alugados a partir de um edifício do hotel. Meu pai viveu no dormitório masculino; minha irmã viveu em um dormitório para funcionários do sexo feminino, enquanto eu me tornei um pensionista e viveu no dormitório estudantil de Mianyang Nanshan da High School. Então nós três viveu em três lugares diferentes.

Nanshan High School está localizado a meio caminho de uma colina, e é um pouco isolado do mundo. Foi dito que na Dinastia Qing os exames imperiais foram realizadas lá, por isso tem uma longa história.

Quando voltei “casa” nos fins de semana, I espremido e compartilhavam a mesma cama de solteiro com minha irmã. Havia muitos outros colegas do sexo feminino de meu pai no mesmo quarto de dormitório.

Ocasionalmente, meu pai iria cozinhar um pouco de comida para nós em seu escritório com um fogão elétrico, e este seria o nosso tratamento especial. Minha irmã e eu só podia “lutar” para chegar a alimentação na cantina da escola, que só forneceu comida terrível.

portanto, até que se formou no colegial, por mais de três anos, minha mãe não tinha conseguido passar para Mianyang e se juntar a nós. Nós só poderia viajar para trás e para visitar uns aos outros durante as nossas férias escolares. Minha mãe disse que muitas vezes, “É tão difícil de ganhar dinheiro, e nós só acabar gastando tudo na estrada!"


A boa notícia foi, carreira do meu pai parecia ter decolado. primeiramente, Ouvi dizer que um escritório de advocacia foi criado sob o Bureau Justiça, então eu ouvi que meu pai foi transferido para o escritório de advocacia e tornou-se um advogado. Então um dia de repente eu soube que ele tinha sido classificado como um dos “Top 10 Advogados na província de Sichuan”!

I heard that my father’s most brilliant performance was that he fought three lawyers on the other side alone. The other party he had to fight was an Honored Teacher with national recognition and was very famous. That was why he was able to hire the three very good lawyers at one go to defend himself. Contudo, my father defeated them all and won that case brilliantly.

These “legends” made me very proud. On the one hand, I really wanted to visit the court and watch my father’s heroic moments of debating with numerous persons at the same time. Por outro lado, Contudo, I could hardly imagine how a somewhat dull person like him, who could spend a whole day without saying a single word, could have become an outstanding lawyer, as a good lawyer was supposed to be very eloquent and good at debating.

Once I asked him, “I heard that you never lost any case. What’s your secret?"

He replied with a secretive smile, “I never take a case that I can’t win.”

When he said this, his smile was as innocent as that of a child. Ao mesmo tempo, it was also as cunning as would usually be seen on faces of Chinese peasants. It didn’t make him look like a “Top 10 Lawyer” at all.


After I finished my second year in high school, and was about to start the third and last year, I needed to choose between liberal arts and science as my future major. I was doing equally well with both courses.

Many people said that it was better for girls to choose liberal arts as female minds could do better in those fields. If girls study science, they can’t compete with boys. Apart from knowing that I wanted to go to Peking University to study, I really didn’t know what major to choose.

My father said with much determination, “Choose science. No matter who is the chairman of the country, 1+1 always equals 2.”

After saying “1+1 always equals 2”, my father once again bit his lower lip in that unique way with an expressionless face, just as he did when my mother had burned his literary works. This once again made me feel very scared. I silently obeyed and chose science without any second thought.


Dentro 1984, my dream of going to Peking University came true. My major was of course science, and geo-chemistry in particular. At the time when I needed to leave my high school forever, I found that I had accumulated many things during the past three years. My father rode a tricycle to the school to help me move my belongings. It was very hard to ride uphill, and my father was soon wet through in sweat.

Drenched in sweat, he rode and laughed, “I am a happy pedicab-man!” And mixed in his laugh, was a very undetectable trace of effort to flatter himself.

My father was a very typical Chinese peasant intellectual, who seldom expressed or showed his emotions. Nor did he ever say any sweet words such as “I love you” to his three daughters. Contudo, his flattering smile at that moment, when he said that he was a happy pedicab-man, has been warmly engraved in my heart ever since.

For me, that was his way of showing his fatherly love and care.


When I was in the sophomore class, I received a letter from my father saying that he had joined the Party. His tone was very formal, with a little bit of excitement.

I was very surprised by this. Because of the special political environment in China, I remembered that my parents never discussed politics or state affairs at home. Nor would they ever discuss their political views with their daughters. When I chose my future major in high school, my father’s “famous” sentence that “1+1 always equals 2” was the only statement I ever heard that included a little dose of politics.

Why did my father join the Communist Party? Did he still have hope for this Party? Or was it because he wouldn’t be treated as a different species afterwards? Sadly enough, I never had a chance to discuss this with him.

This photo was taken in Yuanming Yuan (Old Summer Palace) in Beijing when Jennifer was a graduate student. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

This photo was taken in Yuanming Yuan (Old Summer Palace) in Beijing when Jennifer was a graduate student. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)


When I was in my junior year of university, mobilized by the political instructor, I also handed in my application to join the Party. Recalling the motivations now, I found there could have been two.

One was my father’s move to join the Party. Ever since my childhood, my mother always said that I was my father’s favorite, and that he liked me most amongst his three daughters.

adequadamente, I also held my father in high esteem. I cared a lot about what he thought and chose. I thought to myself: after experiencing so many hardships, he was still willing to join the party. It must because that he still had hope for the party.

Another reason was that I was somehow convinced by this saying: even if the Party was not good enough, it could be changed for better if more good members joined it and improved it from within.

If we explore further, there could actually be a third reason. I had always been a so-called “student-of-three-excellent-qualities” since elementary school. Living in a society where everything was under control of the Party, I had always thought that one should be excellent in everything, and to join the Young Pioneers, the Youth League, and then the Party was a “natural” path that a good student and a good citizen should take.

portanto, I became the first Party member in our class. When we graduated one year later, there were only two Party members in our class of 30 students.


Later on I graduated, began my career, married; and had a child. Everything went smoothly on the path that was designed and hoped for by my parents. I had not only entered the best university in China, gained a master’s degree, but also successfully entered the Development Research Center of the State Council, a workplace that many people wanted to get into but couldn’t. Ao mesmo tempo, I also enjoyed love and a happy family of my own.

This photo was taken on Jennifer's 17th birthday and was displayed at the

This photo was taken on Jennifer’s 17th birthday and was displayed at the “Education Achievement Exhibition” held in the People’s Park in the center of Mianyang City. Her hair in the photo was cut by her father. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

At that time my parents were so proud of me; and they had good reasons. My photo was part of the “Education Achievement Exhibition in Mianyang in Celebration of the 35th Anniversary of the Establishment of PRC [People’s Republic of China],” which was held at the People’s Park in the center of the city. It was said that every day thousands upon thousands of people visited the exhibition, and my photo caused quite a sensation.

There was an old saying in China that “Inside an embroidered pillowcase was only grass,” which means that good-looking people are usually very stupid inside and have no wisdom. So people felt it was hard to believe that a girl who was as attractive as an embroidered pillowcase could actually be admitted by Peking University.

I had already left Mianyang when the exhibition was on; and didn’t know anything about all this until letters of strangers from Mianyang suddenly flooded me. Some people expressed their admiration, and some asked me to share tips on how to do well in school. I didn’t understand why all these letters arrived until my family told me about the “Education Achievement Exhibition.”


julho 2, 1997 is a day that I will never forget. Em julho 1 of that year, China took back Hong Kong, and set that day as a public holiday to celebrate. When I went back to work on July 2, one of my colleagues put a set of books on my desk and said, “Here you are, ‘Zhuan Falun’!"

It was a package posted from Mianyang by my sister. The wrapping paper was already broken; that was why my colleague was able to see the title of the book.

I had liked to read very much since I was a child. When I was studying in university, I read books on all sorts of topics, including philosophy, religion, supernormal capabilities, qigong, the Book of Changes, etc. I studied almost everything.

On the one hand, I believed that there must be some ultimate truth in the universe for it to maintain stability and harmony, and I wanted to know what that ultimate truth was. Por outro lado, I was very much puzzled about what people should do with their lives. Shall we just live for the sake of living, pursue fame, self-interest and honor, and then just wait to die?

A maior parte do tempo, I didn’t know which path to follow. I didn’t want to fight my way up by all sorts of means, like many others around me were doing. I felt that path would be too tiring, and it was totally against my nature.

Contudo, I also didn’t want to lag behind, be bullied or looked down upon by others as a result of not striving hard enough. I didn’t know what to follow or what to adhere to, and was bewildered most of the time. My success on the surface might have looked glorious for others. Ainda, it couldn’t in the least solve the problems within my own heart.

To make things worse, I encountered a medical accident and experienced two severe hemorrhages when I gave birth to my daughter, and the blood transfusion caused me to contract hepatitis C, which is incurable. After that, life felt like an endless sinking into a bottomless pit of despair. I had to lie down in the hospital for years without being able to look after my daughter, or even being able to witness her growth.

In early 1997, I decided that I would not be enslaved by my diseases any more; and went back to work. I had worked for just one year when I was knocked down by my poor health. Women are usually likened to flowers, and I felt like a withered flower cast down to the ground overnight, before being able to fully blossom. I didn’t want to bury my remaining life inside a hospital, no matter how long that life would be. I wanted to “pretend” that everything was normal, and I wished to live a “normal” life.

This was, depois de tudo, just a wishful thought. Na realidade, my life was more tiring than that of Lin Daiyu, one of the mistresses of “Dream of the Red Chamber,” who dared not make any mistakes. Whilst Lin was afraid of being ridiculed by others in an unfamiliar environment as a helpless orphan who had to rely on her relatives, I was afraid of being humiliated by my diseases.

I was so weak that whenever I wasn’t careful enough, or whenever there was some kind of epidemic disease around, such as the flu, I would always be the first to be knocked down.

portanto, in July 1997, after having experienced so much, I really didn’t believe that anything would help me anymore. So I opened the book “Zhuan Falun” half-heartedly and with an absent mind.

Jennifer meditating in a park in Shenzhen City in 1998. This is the only photo of Jennifer doing Falun Gong exercises taken before the crackdown on Falun Gong. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

Jennifer meditating in a park in Shenzhen City in 1998. This is the only photo of Jennifer doing Falun Gong exercises taken before the crackdown on Falun Gong. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

Contudo, when I reached page 4, where the origin of human life was revealed, I suddenly felt being strongly grasped by the content. From then on, I didn’t have any time to make any judgment about any remaining part of the book. Ao invés, I hurriedly finished all the four books my sister posted to me in one go, which had me exclaiming again and again while reading: “Oh my god, so it is like this!!!"

I could say that the inspiration “Zhuan Falun” brought to me was much greater than that of all the other books I had read combined together. I found answers to all my questions about life, the cosmos, and even human society. I was no longer puzzled, and had gained an understanding about the purpose of my coming to this world. I immediately decided to practice Falun Gong.

I also learned that my mother and sister had been practicing Falun Gong for about one month through the introduction of a friend. They felt the practice was very wonderful and so eagerly mailed the set of books to me.


My mother and youngest sister were only able to move to Mianyang and joined my father and eldest sister after I had left home for university. In order to be able to move to Mianyang, my mother had to give up her nearly 30 years’ career as a teacher, as well as the so-called “merit payment based on the length of teaching,” which was not a small figure for her, as none of the schools in Mianyang City would accept her due to lack of permission to hire.

After my parents’ many years’ efforts and begging for help, the leaders of the judicial system finally agreed to help and to resolve this issue “internally.” As a result, my mother was finally given a position at the Mianyang Intermediate Court, and started off as a court clerk, the lowest-level position within the court.

I always admired my mother for her toughness. As a middle-aged woman in her forties, in order to live together with the family, she was not only brave enough to start a new career from the entrance level, but was also brave enough to become a college student like her daughter. The only difference was: while I was studying in a “normal” university, she was studying in the amateur “Open National Adult College for Court Cadres.”

My mother worked very hard. It was not that easy for her; and her memory wasn’t as good as younger people. Contudo, she did very well and successfully graduated several years later. This not only made up for the humiliation she had suffered for not being allowed to go college because of her “bad” “social class category”, but also enabled her to gradually be promoted from a clerk to a judge; and finally a chief judge.

Jennifer's mother was finally allowed to join her father after Jennifer had gone to Beijing for university. This family photo was taken during Jennifer's school vacation when she traveled back to Mianyang. The uniform worn by Jennifer's father was actually for police officers, though he was a lawyer. At that time the legal system in China was still in the initial process of re-establishment, and lawyers were wearing police officer's uniforms. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

Jennifer’s mother was finally allowed to join her father after Jennifer had gone to Beijing for university. This family photo was taken during Jennifer’s school vacation when she traveled back to Mianyang. The uniform worn by Jennifer’s father was actually for police officers, though he was a lawyer. At that time the legal system in China was still in the initial process of re-establishment, and lawyers were wearing police officer’s uniforms. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)


Dentro 1997, my 64-year-old father had already retired. When my mother and sister first started practicing Falun Gong, he didn’t follow along, nor did he believe in it. Contudo, he went to the park with them. While my mother and sister practiced the Falun Gong exercises, he went to do ballroom dancing as a form of exercise. He had become obsessed with dancing ever since he retired.

One day, after he finished dancing, my mother and sister were still doing their Falun Gong exercises. So he stood there and waited. Suddenly he saw a huge Falun (which should be invisible, in another dimension) as big as a swimming pool!

He was completely shocked. Amazed by the “seeing is believing” scene he observed, he began devoting himself to the practice of Falun Gong as well. He often shared with us what he had seen with his third eye: when he practiced the third Falun Gong exercise, he could see a cluster of small Faluns moving together with his arms. He said that he called it “a cluster” as they looked exactly the way copper coins used in old times were strung together.

When talking about this, my father looked as happy and as innocent as a child who was sharing his secrets. My sister and I agreed that father’s third eye was open because he had a side of well-preserved nature that had not been polluted. It was also the reason why he could see many supernormal things as soon as, or even before, he started practicing.

Depois de um período de tempo, my father especially called and told me that his presbyopia (farsightedness) had gone!

He said that although he had officially retired, he was still invited to work for the law firm on some cases. One day, he saw many tiny pieces of paper on the table in his office while he was cleaning it, and thought to himself, “Who would have cut the newspaper into such small scraps?"

Suddenly he found that he could see clearly the tiny characters on the classified advertisements! Those characters were so small that he could absolutely not see clearly without his presbyopic glasses before. How could he suddenly see so clearly without his glasses?

He thought it was just temporary, so he dared not tell anybody.

He tested himself on the following day to see if he could still see those tiny characters clearly without the presbyopic glasses, and yes, he could!

He tested himself continuously for two weeks until he was sure that he could now get rid of the presbyopic glasses. He only called me and told me this good news after he was 100 percent sure of the fact.

Contudo, after he happily shared this good news with me, he added very seriously, that as a cultivator of Falun Gong, one should not develop any attachment, and shouldn’t show off or become too complacent. portanto, he didn’t go boasting about this everywhere. Na realidade, he only ever revealed this in private to family members and the assistant at his practice site.

This photo taken in 1989 was the last one of Jennifer with both her parents. The hanging bridge in the background leads to Jennifer's high school, Mianyang Nanshan High School. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

This photo taken in 1989 was the last one of Jennifer with both her parents. The hanging bridge in the background leads to Jennifer’s high school, Mianyang Nanshan High School. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)


Getting rid of presbyopia was just one of the wonderful things that happened to my father after he practiced Falun Gong. Por exemplo, his blood pressure had been very high for years, with the systolic pressure often higher than 200. He had been relying on hypotensor to maintain his blood pressure, but dangerous things still often happened.

Once both he and my mother went out on bicycles. While my mother was riding behind my father, she suddenly saw him fall off his bicycle and drop onto the ground. My mother was scared to death. My father had passed out while riding because his blood pressure was too high. Desde então, my mother never allowed him to ride a bicycle again.

Contudo, my father’s blood pressure soon returned to normal after he practiced Falun Gong, and he no longer needed any hypotensor. Many other diseases including chronic pharyngitis and nasosinusitis all disappeared as well.

In the summer of 1998, I traveled from Beijing to Sichuan with my daughter to visit my parents. I was extremely surprised when I set sight on my father who was waiting for us at the platform of the train station, as he looked at least 10 years younger!

In my memory, my father had always been skin and bones; and had never put on any weight. Como um resultado, his wrinkles were very deep. He also started going bald as early as in his thirties, and children started calling him “grandpa” when he was less than 40 anos. He always mocked himself about this.

Jennifer's father at his 60th birthday in October, 1993. The wig he wears was a gift from Jennifer. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

Jennifer’s father at his 60th birthday in October, 1993. The wig he wears was a gift from Jennifer. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

After practicing Falun Gong, he had put on at least 10 kilograms (sobre 22 pounds). Como um resultado, his wrinkles became much less obvious. That’s why he looked 10 years younger when I saw him.

After staying with my parents for two days, I noticed another very important change that had happened to my father, which was the way he walked. There was a scene in Thomas Hardy’s novel “Tess of the d’Urbervilles” which impressed me very much.

The “bad guy” in the book, Alec d’Urberville, who raped Tess years ago, later became a priest. Once while he was preaching, Tess, who was among the congregation, suddenly saw and recognized him. At that time they had not seen each other for about 4 anos. It was obvious that Alec didn’t recognize Tess yet, with her appearance and outfit having changed. She wanted to walk away quietly. “But the moment that she moved again he recognized her.”

From this scene we learned that the way one walks carries more of a person’s characteristics than his/her appearance and outfit. portanto, that’s why I was so surprised when I saw the way my father walked after he practiced Falun Gong for just one year. His steps were completely different. They were no longer heavy, slow or sloppy, like an old man’s. Ao invés, they became swift and as light as a swallow.

I could see that even he, himself had not realized this change. Only his family members who were very familiar with everything of his could notice this change at first sight. And this kind of change could only happen when great changes had occurred at very deep levels, levels more microscopic than the level of his body’s physical cells.


I also observed two photos underneath the glass on my father’s desk. One was taken before he practiced Falun Gong, in which he looked very old and as thin as a skeleton. The other one was taken after he practiced Falun Gong, in which he was meditating with very straight back, and with fair, radiant, and full cheeks.

Besides these two photos was a poem he had written. I remember the last line was, “Forever charging forward despite all the odds and hardships.” He wrote that poem to show his determination to cultivate until the very end. He said whenever there were visitors in the home, he would definitely show them the two photos as the best evidence to show Falun Dafa’s benefits.

I had never seen a happier, prouder, and more talkative father. During that summer, father had talked far more than in his entire life before.


Contudo, good times did not last long. Em julho 1999, an overwhelming persecution was instigated against Falun Gong. Before I even had time to make any sense of it, I had been imprisoned several times for being a Falun Gong practitioner.

My parents-in-law, who lived with us, were almost terrified to death. After failing to convince me to give up Falun Gong, my mother-in-law thought of my parents. She believed that it was they who asked me to practice Falun Gong. portanto, only they were able to make me give up.

So she called them and asked them to do so. Contudo, it was obvious that things didn’t go as she had expected. She hung up the phone and shouted in despair: “I will go to Sichuan to fight your parents to death! I don’t want to live anyway!"

I was very scared, fearing that she would really go to Sichuan to make a scene at my parents. Por outro lado, I couldn’t help thinking bitterly, ” If you really don’t want to live any more, why don’t you go fight with Jiang Zemin instead!" (Jiang Zemin was the head of the Chinese Communist Party who launched the campaign against Falun Gong in July 1999).

My mother-in-law was a women cadre before she retired. During the Cultural Revolution, she had been dragged onto a stage to be publicly denounced, with her arms twisted backwards and up into the air. This particular gesture had a nickname, “going by air”, which could still be seen in many pictures taken during that period of time.

After being targeted and tortured like this, she had to take the entire family to the countryside to avoid being “struggled against” again. This experience had somehow turned into a deep fear and a sense of compliance towards the CCP.

Like many other Chinese people who had been living in fear and obedience for too long, she couldn’t understand why I didn’t become as fearful as her. Nor could she forgive me for not willingly accepting the reasoning that “the arm is no match for the thigh” and therefore submitting myself to the CCP’s authority.


In the autumn of 1999, I heard from other Falun Gong practitioners that several former members of the Falun Dafa Research Society would be put on trial soon. One of the “crimes” they were accused of was that they had incited 10 thousand people to go to Zhongnanhai to appeal for Falun Gong on April 25, 1999. As I happened to be one of the 10 thousand people on the day, I planned to go to the court to testify that I went there of my own accord, not incited by anyone else.

After learning my thoughts, my father told me that my plan wouldn’t work at all. As one of the lawyers in the city, he had been notified the following policies regarding Falun Gong practitioners’ cases:

  1. Falun Gong practitioners are different from ordinary criminal offenders. portanto, while ordinary offenders can be bailed out by their lawyers; Falun Gong practitioners cannot.
  2. The overall direction of Falun Gong practitioners is already wrong. portanto, when defending Falun Gong practitioners in court, lawyers should not fight as hard with the prosecutors regarding the “trivial” issues such as whether the evidence is adequate, or whether the facts are solid enough, as they do in other cases.
  3. The attorney’s defense must be approved by the authorities beforehand. While arguing for Falun Gong practitioners, the attorney can only read from the approved defense without saying anything else.

I didn’t feel surprised by this. mesmo assim, on Dec. 26, 1999, I still went to the Beijing No. 1 Intermediate People’s Court, hoping to attend the trial. Contudo, the street was filled with police, e, like another one thousand other Falun Gong practitioners, I was arrested before I could even get a glimpse of the court.

Before being sent to the detention center, I asked the police officer at the local police station, “How long do you think we are going to be detained this time?"

He replied, “I don’t know. We’ll need to wait for the instructions from higher authorities.”

“Waiting for instructions from higher authorities” was indeed the real essence of the CCP’s “rule of law.” When I was in jail, some fellow inmates once asked, “Your father is one of the top 10 lawyers of Sichuan Province. Why don’t you ask him to defend you?"

As a matter of fact, not only was my father one of the top 10 lawyers in Sichuan, my mother had also become a chief judge at the intermediate court in Mianyang City by then, with my sister being the director of the Policy Research Department of Mianyang Fucheng People’s Court.

But none of these would be of any help. Not only that, but my sister herself was also dismissed from the Party and her workplace, after she went to Beijing to appeal for Falun Gong after the crackdown.

além disso, she was also on the national wanted list of the Public Security Ministry. My parents were virtually under house arrest. They were not only often summoned to their workplaces to be “educated,” but were also under 24-hour surveillance by CCP informers living just downstairs. All their movements were closely observed and then reported to the authorities.

Jennifer with her mother in early 1999. This was the last photo taken before the persecution of Falun Gong began. Jennifer never expected that the persecution would occur. Nor did she realize that she would never have another chance to take a photo with her father. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)

Jennifer with her mother in early 1999. This was the last photo taken before the persecution of Falun Gong began. Jennifer never expected that the persecution would occur. Nor did she realize that she would never have another chance to take a photo with her father. (Fornecido por Jennifer Zeng)


Em abril 2000, I was arrested for the fourth time; and then sent to the Beijing Female Labor Camp with a one-year Re-education through Forced Labor sentence. None of the following was able to prevent this from happening: my father’s “top 10 ” status, his “1+1=2″ theory, my brilliant halo as a ” talented woman from Peking University,” as well as the fact that I once worked for the Development Research Center of the State Council.

When my father asked me to study science, he believed that studying science would help to prevent me from recommitting the same error he had made. Contudo, he didn’t expect that “plans always fall behind changes,” and that I would end up in jail for practicing meditation and trying to be a better person—not for doing anything political at all.

Every day within the labor camp was a battle between life and death. Every day I was either experiencing for myself or witnessing all kinds of the most unimaginable, inhuman, and vicious crimes. Amidst the unprecedented barbarous physical torture, mental destruction, and a war to destroy our will power, I had been pushed to the edge of total collapse countless times.

Contudo, with a very strong determination to survive so that I could expose all this evil, I did manage to escape the devil’s den by a hair’s breath (Please refer to my autobiography “Witnessing History: One Woman’s Fight for Freedom and Falun Gong” for more details) and was released in April 2001. In order not to be sent to the brainwashing center again, I had only five days later to leave my home and live in exile.

At this stage I learnt that my sister, who was on the national wanted list, was “hiding” and working in a small bar in Chengdu, the capital city of Sichuan Province some 100 kilometers away from Mianyang. As she couldn’t apply for a temporary residence permit with her ID card, she was nearly caught several times when the police went to the bar to check residence permits. It was very dangerous for her to continue to stay there. I decided to find her a safe place so that she could leave as soon as possible.

I took the train to Chengdu to meet her. The bar she worked at was extremely small, with her as the only attendant. So she had to do everything alone, from serving the customers to acting as the cashier. Everyday she worked until midnight. As she had no other place to stay, she had to wait until all the customers left before she could push the tables and chairs to the corner to make a bed on the floor for her to sleep.

Under such circumstances, it was impossible for me to stay with her at the bar as well. So we went to a small motel nearby. At this stage, we hadn’t seen each other for more than a year; and there was so much we wanted to share with each other.

We talked for the entire night until dawn. When daylight broke, we both felt very hungry. So we walked out to get some food. At the front door of the motel, we came across a young man. His facial expression abruptly changed as soon as he set sight on my sister. Then he quickly turned back and rushed away.

My sister also recognized him: he was a classmate of my sister from ten years ago, when they were studying at the police academy. And he was currently a police officer in Chengdu city, and obviously knew very well that my sister was on the wanted list with 30K yuan (approximately US$3,600, a sum greater than the average annual income in China at that time) reward money on her head.

We immediately checked out and left the area. Having nowhere to go, my sister had to return to her bar although we both knew it was very risky. Enquanto isso, I decided to secretly travel back to Mianyan. I could visit my parents, after having been imprisoned for more than one year, and I could also try to find a place for my sister to go from there. I believed that I could only seek help from a fellow Falun Gong practitioner, as I didn’t think there would be any other people who would take the risk to offer assistance to a “wanted criminal.”


When I saw my parents after only one year’s separation, I was as surprised as I had been in 1998, when I saw the huge change in my father after he practiced Falun Gong. Contudo, this time, the surprise was totally opposite of the one before. It deeply pained my heart.

My father had relapsed into a thin, bony, and silent old man. What was more terrifying than the change with his appearance was that, through his gloomy face, I could see that his soul seemed to have withered, without any sign of life. He was no longer the father I saw over a year ago, when his face had glowed with a youthful radiance while proudly boasting that “four out of five members of our family all practice Falun Gong!"

He was obviously too scared by the overwhelming propaganda campaign and the suppression and had stopped practicing Falun Gong. He no longer talked about anything related to cultivation, either. He even failed to ask me anything about what had happened to me, how I had suffered in the detention center and the labor camp. Perhaps it was because he dared not ask, or perhaps he was not interested. For an old man whose soul had dried up, it wouldn’t make any difference anyway.

I only heard him mumble once, “I am almost 70, and can’t afford any mishaps. What if they confiscate my house? What if they stop paying my retirement pension?"

As to my mother, I noticed that much of her hair had turned grey. Inicialmente, she always talked about her three beautiful and talented daughters with much pride and excitement. Contudo, now with two of her three daughters having become the enemy of the Party, all her pride and happiness had gone. She also looked like a lifeless plant wilted by the frost.


Because of the special circumstances surrounding my sister and me, it was very difficult for us to communicate with each other. I dared not use my parents’ home phone or my cell phone to call her directly, as that could bring immediate danger to her. I had to call her beeper number using a public phone, and then wait there for her to return my call.

After receiving my beeper message, my sister needed to try to find an opportunity to leave the bar first, and then find a public phone to call me back. She had to be very careful, so each time she called, she tried to use a different location.

After overcoming all sorts of difficulties and challenges, I finally found a place to go. I asked my sister to buy two train tickets from Chengdu, one for herself and one for me. As the train started from Chengdu, it was easier to buy a sitting ticket from there. When the train stopped as Mianyan, I would board from there and join her.

I did exactly as we agreed. Contudo, when the train arrived and stopped at Mianyan, my sister didn’t come down with my ticket as I had expected.

I felt something very ominous, but still managed to get on board with my platform ticket. I went straight to where our seats should have been and found two peasant workers sitting there. I asked them whether they had seen a young woman with such and such an appearance when they first boarded the train.

They immediately cut me short in a panic and said, “No, we didn’t! We have been here from the very beginning!” I knew that they were worrying that I would say that those two seats were not theirs and drive them away.

Failing to find out any clue, I had to push my way to and fro within the very crowded train, trying to see if I could find any trace of my sister while knowing too well that the possibility was miniscule. After about one hour, the train arrived at the next stop, which was more than 50 kilometers (sobre 31 milhas) away. I had searched from the first to the last car of the long train a couple of times, but still didn’t see any trace of my sister.

Not knowing what to do, I got off the train. It was about 3:00 am in the morning; with heavy rain pouring down. Everything was so dark, and so strange. Standing in the pouring rain, my heart kept sinking and sinking.

Finally I decided to call a taxi and go back to Mianyang. How could I leave alone without knowing exactly what had happened to my sister?

As soon as I entered my parents’ home, I saw a lot of luggage scattered everywhere on the floor. My mother was trying to sort them out; with her hair in a mess.

Upon seeing me, she didn’t ask why I ended up returning. Ao invés, she said to me with a dull and blank face, “Your sister was arrested yesterday. This is her luggage; your brother-in-law just got it back from the detention center. And this is the receipt of the confiscated items that were found with her when she was caught.”

I took the receipt and looked at it with a blank mind. It says, ” A number of copies of Falun Gong books; two train tickets to Taiyuan; and a storage room ticket for luggage…”

My father suddenly grabbed my bag from the ground, rammed it into my hand, pushed me out of door; and shouted loudly, “Hurry! Go! Don’t wait until the police find out who was planning to run off together with your sister!"

I was dumfounded for a while. Then I clenched my teeth, took a last look at my mother’s newly dull eyes and grey hair, then turned around abruptly and quickly walked away.


Later on I learned from my mother that it was indeed that police classmate of my sister who had reported upon her, so that he could gain the 30K yuan reward.

After he alerted the authorities, police officers from Chengdu and Mianyang worked together and launched a blanket search for my sister, while I was trying to find a place for her to go. On the day when we had planned to leave, my sister left the bar in early morning; and stored her luggage in the train station, as the train wouldn’t leave until late at night.

She decided to utilize her spare time to visit several classmates in Chengdu, whom she dared not meet before. She wanted to say farewell and tell them about Falun Gong and why it was being persecuted. But, alas, she ended up being caught on the bus, before she ever saw any of her classmates.

All this was reported in great detail by the “Rule of Law” newspaper in Mianyang. Local police celebrated my sister’s arrest as a big achievement, since she was on the national wanted list. So they boasted about themselves in every detail in the newspaper.

I couldn’t imagine how many police officers they had deployed in order to catch my sister in a big city with a population of more than 10 milhão. How did they manage to locate her while she was just randomly on a bus without any previous plan? As far as I am know, she didn’t have a cell phone with her either, which might have been used to trace her. I could never figure this out.


Several days later, I arrived in Taiyuan alone. The friend who waited for me there still took me to Mountain Wutai, a famous Buddhist site, according to our initial plan.

Standing on top of the mountain, thinking about my sister who should have been there together with me, looking at the sacred Buddhist site being turned into a chaotic tourists’ destiny, and listening to the sutras chanting played with cassette recorders in the shop that sold travel souvenirs, I was suddenly overwhelmed by a tremendous feeling of sadness and sorrow. I couldn’t help but cry. Deep within my heart, I suddenly felt connected with a poet of more than a thousand years ago, who wrote this famous piece:

Before me, where have all the Sages of yore gone?
Behind me, where are their successors (– Tell me, m’friend)?
O Heaven and Earth, how boundless and without end!
I’m all alone, down my cheeks tears keep rolling on.

sim, the irony and sadness was, while ancient and sacred Buddhist temples and sutras could be traded for money a million times, genuine cultivators of Buddha principles were not even allowed to exist in the vast space between heaven and earth.

Contudo, while I was feeling extremely concerned for my sister, I had never realized that the moment when my father pushed me out of the door would be the last time that I would ever set my eyes upon him.


Four months later, I was lucky enough to be able to escape to Australia, and formally begin another stage of my life in exile. With the help of local Falun Gong practitioners, I settled down quickly and continued to write my autobiography, “Witnessing Histroy: One Woman’s Fight for Freedom and Falun Gong," to expose the atrocious CCP’s persecution of Falun Gong.

The book was translated into English by the biggest publisher in Australia, distributed worldwide, and raised a lot of attention internationally as the first book written by a labor camp survivor since the crackdown of Falun Gong began.

Several years later, NTDTV, the largest independent global Chinese-language television network, co-produced a documentary called “Free China: the Courage to Believe” with me as one of the main characters. This film won numerous international awards after its release, and I was invited to many cities and countries to give speeches. Because of all this, I received a lot of media coverage. Como um resultado, my parents in Mianyang also received “extra attention” from the National Security Bureau.

In the beginning, the national security police only “invited” my parents to tea regularly. Later on they gave them more pressure by asking them to go abroad to convince me into returning to China to “take a look and see how great the motherland has turned out to be.”

I am aware that when a Falun Gong practitioner returns, they will force him or her into revealing as much information as possible about overseas Falun Gong practitioners. Ultimately, the returned practitioner becomes a spy for them thereafter.

Once, before the Middle-Autumn Festival, a time when Chinese families traditionally come together, the director of the National Security Bureau in Mianyang even personally sought my mother for a discussion.

He said to her, that they sincerely invited me back to China and would ensure my safety. He even said that he could write a guarantee statement and give it to my mother. They were actually still forcing her to contact me to pass on their “invitation.”

The police writing a guarantee statement to me? I didn’t know whether I should laugh or cry. When I was detained in the labor camp, they nearly tortured us to death in order to force us to give up our beliefs by writing a guarantee statement that we would not practice Falun Gong.

Now they want to write a guarantee to me? If they were really willing to “guarantee” my safety, why don’t they just release all the countless imprisoned Falun Gong practitioners in China? Why are they still committing the inhuman crime of killing Falun Gong practitioners on demand for their organs? Even the Nazi regime has never done such a thing as forcefully mass harvesting human organs to be used as merchandise for profit. This brutality has gone far beyond any normal human’s imagination.

The police writing a guarantee statement for me? No way. I asked my mother to tell them, “Sorry, but I don’t think I will go back.”

When the police heard this, they forgot to put on their disguise; and viciously threatened my mother, “If she refuses to come back this time, never dream about coming back again!"

A maior parte do tempo, it was my mother who warded off the police harassment. I learnt from my mother that father always had only one sentence for the police when they asked me to go back to China: “The time is not right yet.”

Every time when I called home, it was always my mother who answered the phone; whilst my father seldom talked with me. When he did talk, he always simply said that he was fine, and asked me not to worry about him.

Contudo, I learned from my mother that he was not doing too well. His blood pressure went up again, he had cataracts in his eyes and his eyesight had turned very bad. Sometimes, when he tried to fill his cup, he poured the water outside of the cup as he couldn’t see clearly.


em agosto 2014, after being separated from my father for more than 13 anos, I suddenly heard that he was in a very critical condition and had been sent to the hospital with heart and respiratory failure.

While the entire family was feeling extremely worried and helpless, police officers lost no time to appear at the hospital, and said to my mother in a tone as if they had just won a big war, “Need your eldest daughter to come back? Well, we can still offer help.”

Offering help? Several years ago, when I went to the Chinese Consulate in Sydney for some attestation service, instead of offering me the service, the officer gave a pile of documents and asked me to write down details including all my Falun Gong activities in Australia, as well as all the information I knew about other Falun Gong practitioners. After I did what they wanted, they would then stamp the documents for me.

Faced with this kind of scampish blackmail, what could I do except walk away? So if I really asked for “help” this time, wouldn’t they give me a thicker pile of paper sheets?


On Oct. 27, 2014, my father passed away after living in misery for many years. When he departed from this world, none of his three daughters were able to be around him.

I wept silently in a far away and foreign land. When my father’s situation deteriorated rapidly, I once wanted very much to rush to the Chinese Consulate to see if I could get a visa to return to China. Contudo, my supervisor stopped me and said that he didn’t think my father would want to see me return and put myself in danger.

And the police didn’t even spare my parents when my father was dying, as they thought that would be the best opportunity to force me back. Being pushed by them into a corner, my mother clenched her teeth and said: “Don’t push us. We don’t need her to come back. After her father dies, I will just incinerate the body and then sprinkle the ashes into the river! If she has filial piety, she can try to remember her father in her heart; if she has no filial piety, that is also fine! We don’t need her back!"

Mother’s “ruthless” words really hurt my heart. But what could I say? Under the ruthless CCP regime, if my mother were not tough enough, how could she survive all the atrocities that could have killed her many times over otherwise?


After more than one month, I still couldn’t get over my grief and regret. I was extremely upset that I couldn’t be at his side when he was dying. I was even more upset that I had not tried hard enough to persuade him to take up Falun Gong again, as I knew that the home phone was tapped.

I was afraid that if I did, I would bring more trouble to him. As it happened, on the night before he passed away, I had been still planning that I would overcome my fear the next day and ask him to take up Falun Gong again for his health.

Contudo, early the next morning, the first thing I learned about was his death. If he had resumed his practice of Falun Gong, I’m sure he wouldn’t have passed away like this! I didn’t know how I could make up for all the losses.

Finally I thought about something, which was, to publish a declaration on his behalf to quit from the CCP at The Epoch Times Quit the CCP website. Although he had told me before that he had already withdrawn from the party, I was not sure how he did it. portanto, I thought it was necessary for me to publish a declaration on his behalf.

I sincerely believe that people’s souls live beyond their physical bodies, and they will go to other dimensions. portanto, it was necessary to help my father to clear the “mark of beast” left on him by the CCP, as he was once a CCP member.

This was also perhaps the only thing I could do for him at this stage. It really pained my heart to think that my dear father, who was once so talented, so upright, and so kind-hearted, died in such miserable circumstances. He was even denied the chance to see his daughters on his deathbed. Wasn’t all of this caused by the CCP? I was very confident that my father’s soul would want me to declare his wish to cut any lasting ties with the party.


em novembro. 29, 2014, I published the following declaration on behalf of my father at the Quit the CCP site on The Epoch Times website. As I was still very upset because of my father’s death, I could only write a very simple, and therefore not satisfactory declaration:

Quit the CCP Declaration for My Late Father Jiang Shengzhi

My late father Jiang Shengzhi once practiced Falun Gong; but was forced to give up because of the CCP’s persecution. He died of illnesses recently after suffering miserably for many years. The practice of Falun Gong once benefited my father greatly, and he looked at least 10 years younger because of it. It is impossible to know how many people like my father have been killed either directly or indirectly by the CCP’s persecution of Falun Gong!

Although my father had chosen to withdraw from the CCP before, he had not published his declaration at the Epoch Times website. Conseqüentemente, I hereby solemnly declare on his behalf that he would like to quit the CCP and its related organizations, and I do believe that his soul in heaven would like to see me doing this for him.

Jiang Shengzhi’s eldest daughter Zeng Zheng


I had always wanted to write something to commemorate my father; but always hesitated, as I didn’t know where to start.

Em abril 2015, the number of people who have published their declarations to withdraw from the CCP and its related organizations exceeded 200 milhão. To celebrate this occasion, The Epoch Times launched a composition competition and called for article submissions. I thought to myself, let me commemorate my father via participating in this competition. Apart from this, I couldn’t think of any better way.

Therefore I wrote this long article in tears.


As for myself, I published the quit CCP declaration below on Dec. 15, 2004, about one month after the publication of “Nine Commentaries on the Chinese Communist Party.”

Quit the CCP and Become a Clear-Minded Chinese

When the CCP started the crackdown on Falun Gong, it announced that “no Communist Party members are allowed to practice Falun Dafa.” At that stage I chose to continue to practice Falun Gong without any hesitation. Como um resultado, I was illegally imprisoned for more than one year. I had thought that as I had not paid any party dues and had not involved myself in any party activities for such a long time, I should have been considered as having automatically withdrawn from the party according to the CCP’s regulations. portanto, I had always thought that I already had nothing to do with the CCP whatsoever.

Contudo, after reading the “Nine Commentaries on Chinese Communist Party” recently, I was struck by so many new realizations that I felt I needed to ponder how I was “trapped” into the CCP in order to really clear away the poisonous damage it left on me. At the historical moment of “disintegrating the CCP with universal laws,” I needed to make a clear stance.

The earliest thing I remember in my life was when I was four years old. Naquela hora, I had started trying to imitate the dancers after watching the revolutionary ballet “White-haired Girl,” one of the eight “model revolutionary ballets” during the Great Cultural Revolution, and my mother was very proud of my dancing talents.

Not until more than 30 years later, after I had arrived overseas, did I learn that the story portrayed in the “White-haired Girl”, a story about how the CCP saved this white haired girl from the “old evil society,” was a complete lie. Not only was it a lie, but it was also related to the so-called “Land Reform” campaign, in which more than 100,000 landlords were killed, with their lands taken away by the CCP. In order to glorify this “Crashing the Landlords and Sharing their Land” campaign, the CCP fabricated that story to make it look great.

I was very much astonished when I learned the truth: to realize that the first memory in my life was actually related to the huge lie and ruthless campaign that had killed more than 100,000 pessoas.

I don’t remember exactly when I joined the Young Pioneers of China (once also called the “Little Red Guards”). According to my mother, it was when I was in the first grade of elementary school. As I did very well with my studies and was very obedient, I was among the first group who joined the “Little Red Guards.” For many years, I had been very proud of this, as I thought it meant that I was doing very well in school, and it should be regarded as an honor.

I only felt alarmed after reading the “Nine Commentaries on the Chinese Communist Party.” As a six year old child, who wasn’t even able to remember everything, I was already dragged into the evil CCP’s system, as the "Little Red Guards” was officially entitled the “reserve team” of the CCP. I didn’t know how many times I had sung the Little Red Guards theme song “We are the Shining Future of Communism.” The Communist Party has established communism as its state religion, and everybody was forced into it ever since he or she was born.

The “Great Cultural Revolution” began in the year I was born, and lasted for 10 anos. portanto, throughout my childhood, what I was exposed to were all the CCP’s propaganda about how “Chairman Mao” was the great savior of Chinese people, and how “great, glorious and correct” the CCP was. Literature works, music, dance, fine arts (if those “revolutionary propaganda pictures” could be called “fine arts”), films, and so on, were all tools to propagandize that “The Great Cultural Revolution is absolutely great!"

Dragged inside the Party’s cultural surroundings, I unknowingly received many things that the Party wanted to instill in me, though I was a kind-hearted and simple person by nature.

I joined the Youth League in middle school. Na superfície, it seemed that this time I joined it with full awareness. Contudo, when the entire society was tightly controlled by the CCP, when every student was made to believe that joining the Youth League was a glorious thing, and it indicated you were doing very well, could one make any better judgment?

I was admitted to Peking University in 1984, and experienced a rare and relatively open and relaxed period when different kinds of theories and philosophies were allowed to spread. Many people did manage to rethink and reflect on the “Great Cultural Revolution.” However, under the Party’s persuasion, like many other Chinese people, I also believed that since the Party had “corrected” its own mistakes, everything would be brought back on to the right track, and tragedies like the Great Cultural Revolution would never happen again.

I became the first CCP member in my junior year in the university. I think the following two reasons played an important role in this: 1. I was somehow convinced by the theory that the Party could be changed for better if more good people joined it; 2. My father was finally admitted into the Party the year before after his constant efforts for more than 20 years of trying to be accepted.

When I learned he joined the Party, I was greatly shocked. I thought, as someone who had experienced so much, including political discrimination and persecution, he still didn’t give up his efforts. He must have had a very good reason for doing so. portanto, I should follow suit.

Now when I look back, I suddenly realized how unfounded this reason was. How could I be convinced by such a reason back then? I actually knew very little about father’s experiences, except the fact that he was labeled as the “black pawn of reactionary capitalist-roaders,” relocated to a remote small town, and re-educated there for many years.

My sister was born when I was four years old. As my mother, who was not allowed to live together with my father, couldn’t look after two children at the same time as she still needed to work to make a living, I was sent to live together with my father.

Contudo, until I left my hometown for university, in more than one decade’s time of living together with my father, I never heard him talk about any of his experiences during the Cultural Revolution, nor did he ever make any comments about any state affairs, despite the fact that he graduated from the department of politics of Southwest Politics and Law University.

The first political comment I ever heard him make was this, “No matter who is the chairman of the country, 1+1 will forever equal 2.” On the other hand, liberal arts are too easily affected by politics. portanto, although many people said that girls should study liberal arts, I still chose science because of my father’s insistence.

I learned a little of my father’s misfortune during the Cultural Revolution only recently through my mother. Dentro 1967, he was hospitalized after developing acute hepatitis, but was still dragged out to be publicly denounced. His hands were painted with black ink to indicate his identity as the “black pawn of reactionary capitalist-roaders.” Large amounts of his hair were pulled out. Como um resultado, he became bald-headed as early as in his thirties.

enquanto isso, my mother had to look after my father, who was nearly tortured to death, while I was only one-year-old. She also had to put up my father’s written “self-criticism” everywhere according to the requirement of the “rebels,” with no single spot to be ignored, or any copy being put in the wrong place.

I couldn’t imagine my father’s feelings after suffering all of this. In my memory, my father seldom talked. Contudo, when he wrote to me to tell me the news about having joined the Party, for the first time ever, I sensed his excitement. And this in turn influenced me deeply.

As my father’s family background category was “small land lessor,” he fell into the politically wrong class ever since he was born. Because of his “wrong” family class, no matter how hard working and how talented he was, he had always been struggling at the bottom of society. Perhaps being admitted into the Party could help rid himself of this inferiority complex of being politically wrong? Or did it have other meanings for him? Maybe he would never discuss this with me, as talking about politics was not safe in China, even within one’s family.

Many people don’t realize that the fear and loathing they have toward politics are in fact the terror and hatred they have toward the CCP’s history of killing. Part 3 of the “Nine Commentaries on the Chinese Communist Party,” “On the Tyranny of the Chinese Communist Party,” enables one to see more clearly and comprehensively that the CCP’s politics has been about how to kill and crackdown on people.

Dentro democratic countries, voting is a citizen’s obligation; and that is also “getting involved in politics”. What is there to fear or loathe? It is the CCP that has imposed a connotation of suppression and killing on the term “politics,” and that is why so many Chinese people hate the mere mention of “politics.”

One year after I became a formal Party member, the Tiananmen Square massacre happened. I was extremely shocked. As many students from Peking University were very active in the movement, it was said that the Peking University would be a main target for further crackdowns. Many different and horrible rumors were passed around, such as the army would occupy the campus, and no student should sleep on the upper level of a bunk bed to avoid being hit by stray bullets, and so on. The authorities of the university strongly suggested that we don’t stay on campus.

I was very much terrified, as I couldn’t find a place to stay. In the end, I ended up sleeping on a very hard desk in the office of a friend. During the night, I opened the office door to find my way to the restroom. Suddenly I thought I heard terribly loud bursts of machine-gun shots, and was nearly frightened to death.

Contudo, when I tried to find out where those gunshots came from, I realized that it was just the croaking of many frogs, as my friend’s office was located in the suburbs, and very close to a pond.

It took me several days and a lot of effort to be able to buy a train ticket so that I could escape Beijing-the city of the massacre, which was already under martial law. When arriving at the Beijing train station with three friends, I found it was as chaotic as if it were the end of the world. Many trains were cancelled or delayed. Dark smoke was still rising from the burnt tanks and military trucks.

We sat underneath a bridge near the train station; anxiously waiting for information regarding the departure of our train. As we had nothing better to do, we drew a portrait of Li Peng, whom we believed had ordered the army to kill the students, and then threw small pieces of stone at the portrait to see who could hit it with more precision.

After all the “noise” was suppressed, all the student party members were required to write up “thought reports” at great length with all the details about ones’ thoughts and deeds during the student movements. When trying very hard to keep myself out of trouble, I never seriously reflected on what kind of role the CCP had played in this tragedy. As a female science student, I was never very much into politics. Like many other people, I “forgot” this massacre soon enough: when all is said and done, nobody in my family was killed anyway.

Many people had tried to change the Party through joining it. Contudo, a ruthless reality smashed all their dreams. Disappointed by the failure, many people had long since given up this kind of thought and effort. Almost everyone agrees that the CCP isn’t good, but people usually feel helpless as it still seems so “strong.”

Only after I finished reading the “Nine Commentaries on the Chinese Communist Party” did I understand the reasons: As stated in the “Nine Commentaries,” the CCP is a somewhat “abstract,” independent, foreign, and evil specter that attaches itself to people, who could only be controlled and manipulated by it. How could one change it by joining the party?

That also explains the reason why after ten general secretaries of the CCP were all “knocked down” by the Party, the Party itself still “thrives in prosperity.”

That is also the reason why within the CCP’s doctrine, the Party’s interest is always above everything. Any human being, including all the party members can only be its tools, without being able to change any part of it. Any attempts to change it, or illusions that it can be changed, will surely be proved to be a failure, and what accompany all the illusions will surely be tragedies for the Chinese people, and even the world.

I am very grateful for the Epoch Times’s “Nine Commentaries on the Chinese Communist Party.” It enabled me to reflect on my initial motivation to join the CCP, helped me see through the Party for what it is, and therefore to clear away more thoroughly its poisonous elements within me.

The best way to rid oneself of a foreign evil specter is to firmly deny its existence, and to proactively break away from its control and influence in mind as well as in its organizational forms.

The Chinese nation has been occupied and possessed by the CCP evil specter for too long and is therefore critically “ill.” For an ill person, or for somebody who is controlled by a foreign specter, nobody would ask, “What will this person do without his illness or specter?"

portanto, it is completely unnecessary to worry about who can lead China without the CCP. A China without the CCP will surely regain its vitality, just like a sick person who was suddenly cured.

Conseqüentemente, I hereby solemnly declare my withdrawals from the CCP, the Youth League and the Young Pioneers, and that my applications to join the CCP, the Youth League and the Young Pioneers, all the thought reports I wrote after joining the CCP, as well as all the written materials in my profile held by the CCP, are null and void. Only by withdrawing from the CCP can I become a really clear-minded Chinese citizen.


Jennifer Zeng is the author of “Witnessing History: One Chinese Woman’s Fight for Freedom and Falun Gong.” Before she was persecuted in China for her faith, she was a researcher and consultant in the Development Research Center of the State Council, the State Cabinet. Her story is featured in the award-winning documentary “Free China; the Courage to Believe,” co-produced by New Tang Dynasty Television and World2Be Productions. Zeng has a blogue and posts to Facebook.

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Beijing Party secretary Cai Qi attends a meeting of Beijing Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference in Beijing on Jan. 12, 2017. (Reuters)Beijing Party secretary Cai Qi attends a meeting of Beijing Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference in Beijing on Jan. 12, 2017. (Reuters)

Cai Qi spent 14 years in several modest official positions in the eastern Chinese province of Zhejiang. Finally, dentro 2013, Cai became a deputy to the provincial number two.

In the past four years, Contudo, Cai has enjoyed career progression somewhat similar to a multinational company employee in middle management being made chief executive officer overnight—with an additional offer to join the board of directors.

Cai was first plucked from Zhejiang to be deputy director of the Chinese regime’s national security organ in 2014. Then Cai was made acting and full Beijing mayor, and later landed the top job in Beijing municipality—Communist Party secretary of Beijing—in a span of six months between 2016 e 2017.

As Beijing boss, Cai, 60, also seems locked in for a seat in the Politburo—a 25-member elite decision making body—come the 19th National Congress, a key Party conclave, near the end of the year.

The Xi Jinping leadership’s recent appointment of Cai and over a dozen others to senior provincial positions has turned heads because they are technically non-elites—none of the newly promoted officials are in the Central Committee, a collection of over 300 ministerial-level officials.

Xi has likely chosen to elevate Cai and others, who are either Xi’s former work colleagues or academicians and technocrats, to more fully consolidate his control over the Chinese regime.

Political Deathmatch

On paper, general-secretary Xi Jinping already appears to be very powerful, being “core” leader of the Chinese regime, the top military overseer, and head of several key policy-making groups.

But in actuality, Xi is less influential than his many titles suggest.

Even before taking office in 2012, Xi was forced to contend with a powerful political faction helmed by former Communist Party chief Jiang Zemin. Jiang’s faction has previously been dominant for about two decades, and is responsible for perpetuating corruption, kleptocracy, and persecution in China.

Jiang faction elites had originally planned to dispose of Xi, a compromise candidate between Jiang and then outgoing Chinese leader Hu Jintao, in a coup, according to sources inside the Party and an account by an Obama administration official to Washington Free Beacon reporter Bill Gertz. Xi Jinping himself appeared to allude to the attempted coup in official speeches where he accused disgraced Jiang elites of forming “cliques and cabals” to “wreck and split” the Party.

Over the past five years, Xi has sought to shift the balance of power through an anti-corruption campaign, which has led to the downfall of many Jiang allies and supporters in various governing organs and the military. More than a million officials have been investigated for corruption since 2013, of which over 200 are Party elites, according to Chinese state media.

Officials, possibly unhappy with being unable to make an easy fortune through corruption, have recently been found to be passively resisting the Xi leadership by refusing or poorly carrying out orders from Party central, according to Chinese scholars or indirect allusions in reports by the Party’s anti-corruption agency.

The result of the “deathmatch” between the Xi leadership and Jiang’s faction is stagnation in the Chinese regime—in the past five years, Xi hasn’t been able to push through substantial economic, legal, or security reforms.

Reshuffling the Provinces

In light of the current political situation in the Chinese regime, the Xi Jinping leadership’s recent elevation of Beijing boss Cai Qi and several other officials to top provincial positions despite their non-elite status seems to be born out of dire necessity rather than a willful attempt to break with the regime’s convention.

If Xi were to promote officials from among the current pool of Central Committee members, or within many important provincial-level administrations like Beijing, Chongqing, or Xinjiang, he runs the risk of entrenching the Chinese “deep state” that comprises lines of officials whose political patronage can be traced to Jiang Zemin’s faction.

Xi will unlikely want to go another five years being unable to properly push through his policies. Stacking the number one and two offices in key provinces with loyalists or capable academicians and technocrats with no political alignment is one way to break the impasse.

Xi’s efforts at political reshuffling is best seen in Beijing.

Beijing Party chief Cai Qi worked with Xi in the southern provinces of Fujian and Zhejiang. New acting mayor Chen Jining was president of the prestigious Tsinghua University until 2015 before serving as Minister of Environmental Protection. Two new Beijing municipal Party committee members, the political advisory organ chief, and the legislature chief were all brought in from outside Beijing.

Xi has either replicated or appears to be in the process of effecting similar political appointments in the other key provincial-level administrations such as Tianjin, Chongqing, Guangdong, Xinjiang, and Shanghai, long the base of operations of Jiang Zemin.

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  • Autor: <a href="" rel="author">Larry Ong</uma>, <a href="" title="Epoch Times" rel="publisher">epoch Times</uma>
  • Categoria: Geral

Zhang Yue, security boss of Hebei province, has been arrested for “serious violation of Party disciplineand is currently being investigated, according to news from the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection’s website on April 16.
Zhang is the second incumbent Political Committee Secretary at the provincial level to have been investigated since the CCP’s 18th National Congress.
After Zhang was sacked, China’s media immediately published several articles that revealed the inside story of his ties to former security czar Zhou Yongkang; Deputy Minister of the Ministry of State Security Ma Jian, who has been sacked; and Guo Wengui, who controls Beijing Zenith Holdings.
The Chinese media’s coverage of Zhang’s alleged crimes was limited to corruption and misconduct, which are the stated reasons for CCP leader Xi Jinping’s anti-corruption campaign. Contudo, the undertone of the story can be seen in the details; that is, Zhang’s resume.
Apparently, Zhang held a special appointment between November 2003 and December 2007 as the Chief of the 26th Bureau of the Ministry of Public Security. This department is the Ministry of Public Security’s “610 Office,” which was established to persecute the spiritual practice Falun Gong. Dentro 2003, Zhou Yongkang held the appointment of Minister of Public Security.
o 610 Office is an illegal organisation established by former CCP leader Jiang Zemin on June 10, 1999. It is also called “the Central Leading Group for the Prevention and Handling of Cult-Related Issues”.
o 610 Office has been compared to the Gestapo, the secret police of Nazi Germany. It controls the police, Court, and Attorney through the Political and Legal Affairs Commission. It overrides the country’s laws, and is another power centre of central authorities.
For the past 16 anos, the policy of persecuting Falun Gong has been passed down from the 610 Office and executed by the public security organs, based on Jiang’s verbal instructions. Contudo, a 610 Office is a confidential unit, and many details are still unknown to the outside world.
The CCP’s persecution of Falun Gong has gone underground for the past 10 anos. In order to hide the truth about the persecution, the CCP’s official media did not carry news about the 610 Escritório.
On Jan 12, 2015, Li Dongsheng, Zhou Yongkang’s trusted aide and the former head of the central 610 Escritório, was sentenced to 15 years in prison. On Dec 20, 2013, Li was sacked, and official communications referred to his titles: vice head of the Central Leading Group for the Prevention and Handling of Cult-Related Issues; head of the office of the Leading Group (610 Escritório); and vice minister of Public Security.
The exposure of the name of that secret agency alluded to the fact that Li’s real crime was linked to persecuting Falun Gong.
Jiang’s faction of the CCP is fearful that once it loses power, it will be exposed for its crimes of persecution. Por outro lado, Xi wants to run the country normally. The contradictions between the two were irreconcilable.
Due to the restrictive factors of the CCP’s system, officials in Jiang’s faction have been sacked under the name of corruption. Contudo, if you look at the common thread among the officialsincluding former police chief Wang Lijun; former CCP secretary of Chongqing City Bo Xilai; Li Dongsheng; former CCP secretary of Qinghai Province Su Rong; former military general Xu Caihou, and Zhou Yongkangall followed Jiang’s orders and committed crimes against humanity by persecuting Falun Gong.
As such, the crimes of persecuting Falun Gong, including the live organ harvesting from adherents, have become the Achilles heel of the Jiang faction.
Uncovering the inside story of China’s media reports and understanding their signals serve as reminders for people to make a choice. In the near future, when the persecution crimes against Falun Gong are exposed, Jiang’s faction and the CCP apparatus will be disintegrated.
Translated by Benjamin Ng. Edited by Sally Appert.
Xia Xiaoqiang, is a political columnist for the Chinese edition of the Epoch Times, he is based in Norway and has written analyses of contemporary political affairs since 2009.

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The Beijing Auto Show, which begins April 25, will witness a skirmish between foreign and domestic automakers aiming to capture consumer interest amidst a downbeat growth climate for the industry.
Beijing alternates with Shanghai to host China’s flagship annual auto show. Merely five years ago, a 2011 Beijing Motor Show was an afterthought for foreign automakers as only a handful participated and Japanese car manufacturers unveiled no new models there.
Today China is the world’s biggest automobile market, and its Motor Show has gained the same significance as annual industry events in Detroit, Geneva, and Tokyo. It’s also a window into China’s massiveyet bizarrely fragmentedcar market, with foreign sports cars showcased next to their Chinese copycat doppelgangers.
This year, global automakers reserved some of their biggest launches for Beijing. The pomp and circumstance underscores both China’s importance to automakers as well as the pressure of acquiring market share in an increasingly downbeat growth environment.
China is the biggest market for General Motors, which sold 3.6 million vehicles there last year, uma 5.2 percent increase. Mercedes-Benzwhich lags behind its German rivals BMW and Audi in Chinasold 373,459 vehicles there last year, uma 33 percent increase from 2014. Toyota’s luxury division Lexus saw its China sales jump 14 por cento para 88,500 dentro 2015, becoming the brand’s second biggest market after the United States.
Major debuts in Beijing this year include the Acura CDX subcompact crossover, Citroen C6 (China-only), Infiniti QX Sport SUV concept, 2017 Lexus IS, Mazda CX-4 wagon, Porsche 718 Cayman, and a new Volkswagen Touareg concept.
Battle of SUVs
SUVs have become a bright spot in 2016 for the Chinese auto industry. Sales of SUVs soared 52 percent last year and helped drive overall car sales gains in March after a muted January-February period.
The Infiniti QX Sport SUV concept. (Photo courtesy of Infiniti)
While government tax cuts no doubt assisted, SUV sales jumped 46 percent in March versus a year ago, according to China Association of Automobile Manufacturers (CAAM). Sedans, por outro lado, suffered a 3.3 percent sales drop.
Demand for SUVs is forecasted to continue in 2016, as consumers trade up from compact sedans and find low gas prices offsetting SUVstypically higher operating costs.
But foreign automakers were largely watching from the sidelines during in the recent SUV surge. The five best-selling SUVs in the first three months of 2016 were all Chinese branded. Chinese manufacturers account for 65 percent of the SUV market, and with lower prices, they dominate the lower end of the market.
“The Beijing Motor Show will be the platform for international and domestic auto makers to showcase new products, specifically SUVs in the aim to capture greater market share,” Namrita Chow, an analyst at IHS Automotive, escreveu em um relatório recente.
New vehicle lineups at the Beijing Motor Show reflect this trend. Foreign automakers such as Honda, Mazda, and Volkswagen are bringing several crossover and SUV models to the show, hoping to carve out a larger piece of China’s SUV sales growth.
Competition is expected to be steep. Fiat Chrysler AutomobilesJeep brand will debut its China-manufactured Renegade. Honda Motor Co. plans to unveil two SUVs designed for China. Domestic brands such as Great Wall, China’s leading SUV brand, and Chery both plan to unveil at least one new SUV at the Beijing Motor Show.
Later this year, Shanghai Automotive Industries Corp., Guangzhou Auto Co. and Dongfeng Motor Co. are expected to launch as many as three new SUVs each.
Overcapacity Concerns
Foreign automakers are investing billions of dollars into manufacturing plants in China. General Motors opened a $1.3 billion Cadillac assembly plant near Shanghai this year, and will open another $1 billion factory in Wuhan next year. South Korea’s Hyundai plans to open a plant near Beijing later this year and another in Chongqing in 2017.
Teaser photo of the 2017 Lexus IS to debut at 2016 Beijing International Automotive Exhibition. (Photo courtesy of Lexus USA)
Investment research firm Sanford C. Bernstein projects a 22 percent increase in China’s car manufacturing capacity in the next two years to 28.8 million vehicles annually. That figure approaches the sum of the U.S. (17.5 million units) and European Union (12.6 million units) automobile markets combined.
CAAM estimates that Chinese passenger vehicle sales will reach 22.8 million in 2016. If that figure holds, Chinese vehicle sales would need to increase by 26 por cento em 2017 for demand to meet capacity.
China’s auto sales during the first three months grew 6.8 por cento, but sales are inflated by a sales tax incentive China implemented last September on small cars, which account for 70 percent of all sales. Consumers buying cars with engine displacements of 1.6 liter or less pay 5 percent sales taxhalf of the 10 percent tax levied on all other vehicle purchasesthrough 2016.
Given the anticipated expiration of incentives, “2017 will be a very difficult year for the auto industry, probably no growth,” Yale Zhang, managing director of Automotive Foresight, a Shanghai consulting firm, told the New York Times.
Dentro 2009 e 2010, a similar tax incentive propelled vehicle sales. When the reduction expired, auto sales effectively flattened in 2011 e 2012.
“Nobody foresaw how quickly demand would slow. Prices will fall. Profitability will suffer,” said Michael Dunne, a consultant on Chinese auto market strategy.
The Associated Press contributed to this report.

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Análise Notícias
The enemies of Chinese Communist Party leader Xi Jinping could be behind an online letter that leveled a potent attack on Xi’s rule and threatened his familythis is the tentative conclusion suggested by a review of the political loyalties of many of the key players involved in the Xinjiang-based outlet that published the letter, and an examination of the current landscape of politics in China.
For over a decade, the Party chiefs of Xinjiang in westmost China have been connected with a powerful Party faction overseen by former Chinese regime leader Jiang Zemin. Jiang has managed to stay influential and relevant in Chinese politics despite having relinquished all official positions over a decade ago, due to the placement of strong allies in key positions.
Xinjiang was, entre 2002 e 2014, under the purview of two staunch loyalists of Jiang, former security czars Luo Gan and Zhou Yongkang. Zhou succeeded Luo in heading a small but crucial policymaking and implementation body that oversees the region.
Jiang’s loyalists in turn brought their own cronies up the ranks. Zhou Yongkang had in 2010 strongly recommended that current Xinjiang Party chief Zhang Chunxian replace the outgoing Wang Lequan, according to Deutsche Welle, an international broadcaster funded by the German government. Both Zhang and Wang are known cronies of Zhou, according to reports in Chinese overseas and dissident news media.
While Zhou Yongkang was purged and handed a life prison sentence in 2015, Zhang Chunxian remains at large in Xinjiangand openly bristles at Xi Jinping’s efforts to assert control.
Dozens of senior Party leaders have recently acknowledged Xi as the Party’s “core”a historically significant title used to laud Party paramount leaders like Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, and Jiang Zemin (but not Jiang’s successor, Hu Jintao)—but Zhang instead curtly declined the opportunity to profess fealty during an official media session at an important annual Party conclave on March 8.
Four days before Zhang Chunxian’s show of recalcitrance, a mutinous letter signed by “loyal Party membersand addressed to Xi Jinping appeared on the website of the Xinjiang-based Wujie News.
Launched in 2015, Wujie was meant to promote Xi’s “belt and roadpolicy, a new economic initiative with countries in Eurasia. After the letter, which also criticized the very policy that Wujie was supposed to promote, was taken down, Wujie carried only articles from state mouthpieces People’s Daily and Xinhua News Agency.
Given the brazen nature of the letter, many speculated that Wujie had been hacked. But inspectors from the Cyberspace Administration of China said they didn’t find any trace of cyber intrusion, and wondered how a website hosted by Alibaba, one of the most secure hosting services in China, could be hacked. The inspectors then suspected an “inside job,” according to Chinese overseas media Boxun.
The two men on top of the Wujie hierarchy, board chairman Li Wanhui and chairman Ouyang Hongliang, are directly linked with the Xinjiang Party elite.
Li Wanhui holds several portfolios, including chief editor at Tianshan Net, a news portal owned by the Xinjiang government, and heads the Internet Division at the Publicity Office of Xinjiang’s Propaganda Department. According to Mingjing News, a New York-based Chinese publication that trades in political gossip from Beijing, Li is a “close aideof Zhang Chunxian, the Xinjiang chief. And Ouyang Hongliang is known to be “quite well acquaintedwith Xinjiang higher ups, according to Deutsche Welle.
As of the end of March, Li and Ouyang number among the over 20 people who have been detained over the letter to Xi Jinping, according to Radio France Internationale.
It is of course impossible to prove that the letter was a plot by Xi’s political enemiesbut it is a possibility in the context of the lethal struggle for power in the Chinese Communist Party.
As put by Xiao Qiang, the founder of China Digital Times, a website that monitors Chinese propaganda and social media: “Bluff or true, this tone sounds more like coup plotters talking to the leader they want to depose, rather than an open letter with dissenting political views.
Xi Jinping’s anti-corruption campaign has destroyed the wealth and authority amassed through an unprecedented level of corruption by powerful political families around China, many of them tied in one way or another to the network that took root during the reign of Jiang Zemin and his lieutenants.
Anyone involved in such an enterprise risks exposing themselves to the retribution reserved for those guilty of treason against Party Central.
No official in China could be ignorant of the methods employed by the Party’s secret internal investigators as they force confessions from the accused. Zhou Wangyan, a former land bureau director, told the Associated Press in 2014 that interrogators had snapped his leg, deprived him of sleep, and forced him to eat feces. A year earlier there were reports of Party officials dying from torture in custody.
If Party officials linked with Jiang were indeed behind the letter, then they were clearly prepared to stake their health and career on stealing a march on Xi Jinping. And the gamble has somewhat paid off: The international community of China watchers has ignored the likely factional origins of this letter in rushing to take it as an example of how there is genuine grassroots anger towards Xi.
Xi Jinping’s opponents have much to gain by turning the tables. If Xi feels besieged, por exemplo, he might slow down or even forgo his efforts at gaining full political control through the anti-corruption campaign, thus allowing Party elders and their loyalists to maintain influence, protect their remaining interestsand eventually unseat Xi.
Before Xi took office in 2012, there was talk of Jiang’s lieutenants seeking to replace or even assassinate him. This was confirmed in a 2015 speech by Xi where he singled out the lieutenantsformer security czar Zhou Yongkang, the late General Xu Caihou, scheming former General Office director Ling Jihua, and the wily ex-Chongqing chief Bo Xilaias coup plotters who sought to “carry out political conspiracies to wreck and split the Party.
A key factor driving Jiang Zemin, and his loyalists’, resistance to Xi Jinping is the desire to not

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Chinese Communist Party leader Xi Jinping has made it clear recently that he will no longer tolerate personalities in the Party with their own agendas, or factions acting independently of his direction.
The requirements, which apply to cadres in the Politburo, were promulgated by a social media account that is closely tied to Xi Jinping. The “Learning From Xi Small Group,” or “xue xi xiao zu,” which published the edicts, is a public account on the popular social media software WeChat, and is run by a wing of the People’s Daily, the official communist mouthpiece. Desde 2014 it has served to directly communicate Xi’s ideas and messages.
Ten behaviorsthe “Five Musts and Five Mustn’ts”were included in the expectations for the 25 Politburo and Politburo Standing Committee members to abide by.
Most of Xi’s commandments revolve around a need for Politburo members to obey and “uphold the authority of Party Central,” and not “run their own show.The regime’s most senior leaders are also forbidden from “carrying out any sort of factional activity,” and should see that their family members don’t “abuse their position to accrue illegal interests.
The last few months have seen a number of apparent challenges to Xi Jinping’s primacy in the Communist Party. These include two menacing open letters that demand his resignation, and the open refusal by two Party cadres with high-level backers to acknowledge Xi as a “coreleader.
While over a dozen senior Party leaders have publicly endorsed Xi Jinping’s unchallenged leadership over the Party, a Politburo member and a Politburo Standing Committee member have demurred. Each of them shares some tie to the group of officials who rose through the ranks and entrenched their power under the reign of Party elder Jiang Zemin, the leader until 2002 who has retained significant influence in the regime’s affairs. At a recent annual political conclave in March, they seemed to instead register their dissent at Xi Jinping’s efforts to consolidate control.
When asked at an official press session about his position on Xi as the “coreleader, a prestigious label reserved for Party paramounts, Zhang Chunxian, the Party chief of Xinjiang and current member of the Politburo, only told reporters, “talk later.Politburo Standing Committee member Yu Zhengsheng failed to mention two of four principles Xi has recently been promoting”recognition of the coreand “recognition of consensus”during his closing speech at the March conclave. In a regime where small gestures, slights, and publicly spoken words are deeply symbolic, Zhang and Yu’s behavior in March appeared irregular and even defiant.
Given that Xi’s anti-corruption campaign has targeted many supporters of Jiangformer security czar Zhou Yongkang, ex-military vice chair Xu Caihou, former General Office chief Ling Jihua, Chongqing boss Bo Xilai, and vice chair of the Party’s political consultative body Su Rongit is very possible that his recent demands were aimed at those like them who have not yet been purged. These officials were even directly accused by Xi of having “carried out political conspiracies to wreck and split the Party.
The recent message from Xi Jinping also comes on the heels of two open letters, claiming to have been written by loyal Communist Party members, that attack his rule and call on him to resign. Significantly, a number of pieces of circumstantial evidence suggest that the first of those letters was connected with loyalists of the former security czar, Zhou Yongkang.

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  • Autor: <a href="" rel="author">Larry Ong</uma>, <a href="" title="Epoch Times" rel="publisher">epoch Times</uma>
  • Categoria: Geral

China Business Journal reported on April 12 that the trial of former CCTV host Rui Chenggang and related cases would open soon. This report was quickly removed after major media in the country picked up the news.
Citing an unidentified core member within Jilin Province’s judicial system, China Business Journal reported that the hearing of the 29 cases involving CCTV, including that of Rui, are near.
Contudo, the original report cannot be found on China Business Journal’s website now, and the reproduced versions on other mainland media have all been removed as well. This “now-you-see-it, now-you-don’tphenomenon in the news sparked widespread discussion.
Prelude to Ling’s trial?
The fact that Rui, who was arrested in July 2014, has suddenly sprung into attention has caused speculation that this may be related to the case of Ling Jihua, former Vice Chairman of the National Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference.
Recentemente, overseas Chinese media have released news of Ling on and off, claiming that his case would be open for trial in the near future. This led some analysts to speculate that the news about Rui’s case is a prelude to Ling’s trial.
When he was arrested, Rui was a relatively well-known host on the CCTV financial channel, but what really brought him into the limelight was his connection with Ling’s case.
Rui was arrested just when Ling, who was then Minister of the United Front Work Department, was in a precarious state. In September 2014, some online sources claimed that he was arrested for being a “foreign spywho disseminated dark secrets of Premier Xi Jinping.
Ling was arrested on Dec 22 that year, but it is believed that he had already handed over a large quantity of confidential material to his brother Ling Wancheng, who escaped to the United States. Rui was also said to have a “special relationshipwith Ling’s wife, Gu Liping.
In addition to Rui, another CCTV staff member, Guo Zhenxi, was arrested on May 31, 2014 under the charge that he was a crucial partner of the Youth Business Program (YBC) founded by Gu during Guo’s tenure as the director of CCTV’s financial channel.
Some analysts believe that Ling will be charged in the name of corruption as well, and the “corruption dramaof the CCTV management paves the way to his case.
Guo, who had always been regarded as a heavyweight in the government-controlled TV industry, worked in CCTV for 22 anos. Earlier reports revealed that Guo, under the guise of his family and friends, set up umpteen companies under his charge, amassing assets worth at least 2 billion yuan over eight years as the director of CCTV’s financial channel.
According to Sina North America and other overseas Chinese media, after Guo was implicated by Rui and others, he revealed whatever information he had on Rui, including his collusion with Ling to form the “royal troops,” billion-yuan corruption, and intelligence service, all nailing his inevitable doom.
These reports quoted Zhongguo Mibao as stating that before the downfall of former Minister of Commerce Bo Xilai, Rui frequently bragged about his relationship with Bo’s son Bo Guagua, who often attended overseas activities with him.
Additionally, Rui was a close buddy of Yu Gang, secretary of former security czar Zhou Yongkang; Li Tong, the daughter of former Politburo Standing Committee member Li Changchun; Liu Leshan, the son of Politburo Standing Committee member Liu Yunshan; Zeng Wei, son of former Chinese Vice-President Zeng Qinghong; and others of the same camp.
Rui was also a debauched companion of Zeng Qinghuai, the brother of Zeng Qinghong, who controlled the CCTV Arts Channel from behind the scenes for over a decade.
In addition to the above personnel, several more CCTV management members were arrested in 2014, including the deputy director of the financial channel, Li Yong; the former director of the documentary channel, Liu Wen; and the former deputy director of the drama channel, Huang Haitao.
Some hostesses, whose identities were exposed by the media, were also summoned to assist in the investigation but were not detained.
On Dec 22, 2014, shortly after Ling was placed under investigation, CCTV financial channel producer Luo Fanghua, the wife of Gu Yuanxu. (Ling’s brother in-law), could not be contacted. According to Chongqing Morning Post, several staff members in the financial channel confirmed that the latter had been taken away by authorities.
Shortly afterward, Gu, who was then the deputy director of the Heilongjiang Province Public Security Department, was taken in for questioning.
Dark political secrets
De acordo com o China Business Journal, due to the unique position of the CCTV staff, many movie and TV stars were implicated in the series of cases. The investigation authorities summoned them for assistance while probing the case in Beijing, but most of them were not deeply involved.
The report categorically mentioned Li Dongsheng, the former deputy director of CCTV, claiming that the investigations focused mainly on his disciples. Also highlighted was his former position as the director of the “610 Office,” the organisation set up to persecute the spiritual practice Falun Gong.
Li, who fell from power in December 2013, was closely related to Zhou Yongkang, a former member of the CCP’s Politburo Standing Committee and a member of former CCP leader Jiang Zemin’s faction. With no background in the public security system at all, Li was transferred to the Ministry of Public Security in 2009 to head the organization in charge of suppressing Falun Gong.
Li was favored by Zhou because he actively cooperated with the propaganda campaign to smear Falun Gong during his tenure in CCTV, while turning CCTV into a harem for high-ranking CCP officials. Female anchors of CCTV became his “tributesto them, including Zhou, whose wife, Jia Xiaoye, is also regarded as a part of Li’s “sexual briberyof his boss.
enquanto isso, CCTV, which holds the power to speak on behalf of the CCP, has become a power wrestling field for the top echelon of the CCP. Zhou’s lackey Li continued to control CCTV’s power to speak through personnel promoted by him, even after he was transferred to the Ministry of Public Security.
Ling, who was tied to Zhou in the

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