中国挖泥船上Michief礁和周围人工岛,在中国南海五月的南沙群岛的建设工作 2, 2015. (我们. 海军)中国挖泥船上Michief礁和周围人工岛,在中国南海五月的南沙群岛的建设工作 2, 2015. (我们. 海军)

北京中国空军周六表示,该公司已经进行了超过中国南海有争议地区的空中战斗巡逻,以提高其作战能力.

该计划公布后,北京表示,希望平息紧张局势继其强烈反对该裁定其索赔几乎所有中国南海有没有法律依据的国际法庭.

中国拒绝参加的情况下 采取菲律宾仲裁海牙的常设仲裁法院 并继续声称,在中国南海岛屿是其领土.

空军没有透露演习举行. 上个月, 七月后 12 裁决, 空军说,它已在中国南海进行巡逻,并会使其“常规做法”。

空军发言人高级上校. 沉金科在网上发表声明说,这支巡逻队“,以提高作战能力,以应对各种安全威胁”,维护国家主权和海洋权益.

沉国放说轰炸机和战斗机, 预警机, 侦察机和可以在空中加油飞机周围巡逻南沙群岛领空, 斯卡伯勒礁及周边地区.

斯普拉特利群岛和斯卡伯勒浅滩是由中国和菲律宾都声称. 文莱, 马来西亚, 台湾和越南也声称南沙群岛.

上个星期, 中国外交部部长王毅表示,美国, 日本和澳大利亚是“煽风点火”地区紧张局势,他们发表联合声明,敦促中国不要建造军事哨所或回收土地争议海域后,.

在星期三, 外交部发言人华春莹说:“中国愿继续努力和平解决中国南海有关争议。”

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一名越南海岸警卫舰对靠近中国石油钻机中国的海岸警卫队船只在移动有争议的海域在中国南海上月 14, 2014. (晃亭南/法新社/盖蒂图片社)一名越南海岸警卫舰对靠近中国石油钻机中国的海岸警卫队船只在移动有争议的海域在中国南海上月 14, 2014. (晃亭南/法新社/盖蒂图片社)

北京中国的野心,成为核能的先驱在航行到 混水.

两家国有公司计划开发的浮动核反应堆, 自20世纪70年代的技术工程师们一直在考虑通过石油钻井平台或岛屿社区使用. 北京俄罗斯赛车, 它开始发展其自己的 2007, 得到一个单位投入商业运行.

在中国的情况下,, 成就会被关注回火核反应堆可能会被送进伤害的方式来支持石油勘探中国南海, 其中,北京的邻居包括越南和菲律宾面临着相互冲突的领土要求. 中国的新闻报道说,计划要求部署 20 反应堆有, 虽然没有开发商提到的区域.

紧张局势U.N后逐步加大. 仲裁小组裁定七月 12 北京声称大部分海没有法律依据. 北京拒绝了菲律宾带来了案件的裁决,并宣布将举行军事演习的区域, 其中,军事已建成的人工岛.

浮动反应堆计划反映了北京决心创造领域到移动电话和遏制对进口石油和天然气的日益依赖盈利的技术能源, 这共产党领导人视为一种安全风险.

中国是核电站最活跃的建设者, 同 32 在运行的反应堆, 22 正在建设和规划更. 它在很大程度上依赖于美国, 法国和俄国技术,但正在开发自己的.

最新的举措是由中国广核集团与中国核工业集团领导. 都与美国西屋电气公司研究或咨询协议. 和法国的EDF和阿海珐, 但说他们的漂浮植物将采用自主研发的技术.

“他们是热衷于开发,因为他们有大量的石油钻井无处不在的中国南海及海外以及,“陆兵林说, 香港城市大学的工程学教授谁已与中广核下属的不相关的项目工作.

“中国的战略是确保国家能源供应,“陆先生说,. “石油钻探需要能量, 并与该供应, 他们能加快行动“。

一个中国石油钻井平台在中国东海02月运行. 9, 2012. 两家国有公司, 中国广核集团和中国核工业集团公司, 已经宣布计划开发浮动核反应堆使用的石油钻井平台或岛屿社区. 如果他们成功了, 成绩将提高关注反应堆可能被送进伤害的方式来支持石油勘探中国南海, 其中,北京的邻居包括越南和菲律宾面临着相互冲突的领土要求. (通过AP共同社)

一个中国石油钻井平台在中国东海上月工作. 9, 2012. (通过AP共同社)

俄罗斯第一座浮动商用反应堆, 在罗蒙诺索夫院士, 是由于在要递送 2018, 但该项目却遭遇了多次延期. 俄罗斯还没有公布商业客户.

俄罗斯已经“瞄准由投球反应器作为相当遥远社区插件和播放选项来启动这个想法了二十多年,“马克·希布斯说, 卡内基国际和平基金会核政策专家, 在电子邮件中.

俄罗斯的目标市场印尼和遥远的岛屿, 希布斯说,. 这促使了有关核材料控制的关注, 导致俄罗斯的建议操作反应器,收回使用的燃料.

中国核电机构与莫斯科签署了一项协议 2014 建立浮动发电站采用俄罗斯技术. 目前还不清楚是否会继续给予计划在CNG和中核集团开发自己的船只.

中国的开发人员可以销售到国有石油行业没有算出国.

中广核已与中国海洋石油总公司合同. 支持石油和天然气勘探在海上. 该公司表示,将推出其首艘 2020, 与计划 20 更多. 它拒绝了采访要求,并没有以书面提问.

中核集团计划示范单位由 2019.

一个浮动核电站可能会太昂贵刚供电,但可以通过也提供热量和新鲜水是在石油和天然气勘探有用, 陆先生说,. 他说,中广核工程师告诉他,他们的设计是为岛屿或其他远程站点.

与越南的紧张局势爆发对中国的石油和天然气勘探靠近越南海岸. 在一月, 越南抱怨中国石油企业已经被拖钻机进入争议海域. 在 2014, 同样的钻机停了越南中部海岸两个月, 导致暴力的反示威中国和对抗海上的中国船只猛撞越南船只,以防止他们接近钻机.

反应堆已自上世纪50年代使用的军舰. 但是,这些船只定期访问端口,用于维护和小脸安全风险,因为他们全副武装.

“安全问题是清楚的: 这种反应堆将用于军事或恐怖袭击诱人的目标,“埃德温·莱曼, 对于忧思科学家在华盛顿的联盟核专家, 在一封电子邮件中说,. “保持必要的有效遏止攻击安全人员的全部队伍是不可行的。”

其他危险包括惊涛骇浪 - 中国南海是由强大的季节性台风的冲击 - 并且需要在偏远地点交换放射性燃料.

中广核表示,其单位海运将“被动安全性,“或特征功能,无需移动部件或外部电源, 如由重力在紧急情况下的控制杆. 没有商业反应器等功能操作.

“对于如何可靠的被动安全系统将在极端条件下的问题,“莱曼说:.

中广核希望通过要求加油每三年一次,而不是行业标准,以简化操作 18 个月, 陆先生说,. 这将需要更多的高浓缩铀燃料, 与升高至不亚于的U-235同位素的量 10 从典型的百分之 4.5 百分.

“如果它被恐怖分子或其他人检, 这将是一个很大的问题,“ 他说.

中国的积极进取,追求核技术已经运行相抵触的中美. 执法.

在四月份, 由CGN采用了中国出生的美国工程师被指控在美国的招聘专家,以帮助该公司与反应堆的建造而不应用所需政府批准. 艾伦浩, 也称为Szuhsiung何, 还被控在美国田纳西州联邦法院以非法充当外国政府的代理人.

下 2007 协议, 西屋公司转移到另一个公司的政府, 国家核电技术公司, 技术用于其最新型号, AP1000的. 这将成为中国未来的反应堆可能被卖到国外的基础, 但CGN和中国核工业集团公司与自己模式的发展向前压.

中广核称,其60兆瓦反应堆漂浮, 该ACPR50, 是陆上ACPR100反应器的一个版本. 中核集团表示,其海上单位将根据另一个反应器, 该ACP100, 但一直没有公布其他细节.

西屋公司已在ACPR50的发展没有任何作用, 据公司发言人, 考特尼·布恩. EDF和阿海珐也没有请求他们可能发挥的作用作出反应的信息.

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中国挖泥船上Michief礁和周围人工岛,在中国南海五月的南沙群岛的建设工作 2. 美国. Navy recently sent a warship to patrol near the Chinese regime’s man-made islands. (我们. 海军)中国挖泥船上Michief礁和周围人工岛,在中国南海五月的南沙群岛的建设工作 2. 美国. Navy recently sent a warship to patrol near the Chinese regime’s man-made islands. (我们. 海军)

The foundation of the Chinese regime’s legal case and strategy for exploiting the South China Sea rested on a supposed historical ownership—and on July 12, an arbitration court in The Hague declared that this foundation is false.

中国共产党 (CCP) quickly shot back. A statement from its Foreign Ministry says it views the Tribunal’s decision as “null and void and has no binding force,” and says it “neither accepts nor recognizes it.”

In spite of the bluster issuing from Beijing, the CCP has lost its main line for propaganda and its best chance to establish a moral ground for its position on the South China Sea.

然而, according to Dean Cheng, a senior research fellow at the Asian Studies Center at the Heritage Foundation, “it’s important to recognize this issue isn’t over.”

A Battle of Deception

One of the main strategies the CCP has employed in the South China Sea is what it calls the “Three Warfares;” which are legal warfare, 心理战, 和媒体战.

The strategy works by manufacturing “legal” arguments, creating psychological pressure on adversaries, and manipulating news coverage. The Office of Net Assessment, a Pentagon think tank, described the strategy in a May 2013 report as a “war-fighting process that constitutes war by other means,” and that uses deception as a way to “alter the strategic environment in a way that renders kinetic engagement irrational.”

Cheng said the CCP’s use of legal warfare “was not really a matter of what other legal authorities say.” He noted that already there are Chinese law professors and others trying to discredit the Tribunal, and saying it has been tainted or has no authority.

At its heart, the CCP’s Three Warfares is a strategy for disinformation—a form of propaganda that functions by manufacturing a lie with a grain of truth, then using this lie as a foundation to make seemingly legitimate arguments. A key goal of disinformation is to get coverage in otherwise credible news outlets and think tanks, which can then be used to make additional arguments.

In the South China Sea, this strategy has manifested in the CCP’s claims that it has historical ownership over nearly the entire region; which gives it the right to manufacture islands, declare defensive perimeters around its artificial islands, and to chase ships from other nations out of the region.

The Road Ahead

The Tribunal’s website went offline shortly after the announcement, but an archive of its press release is still available.

According to the press release, the CCP boycotted the Tribunal, but even in China’s absence, the Tribunal took steps to “test the accuracy of the Philippines’ claims,“它指出. This included questioning the Philippines, appointing independent experts to “report to the Tribunal on technical matters,” and “obtaining historical evidence concerning features in the South China Sea and providing it to the Parties for comment.”

到底, the Tribunal overwhelmingly found the CCP’s claims to be false. It said in the press release it “found that China’s claim to historic rights to resources was incompatible with the detailed allocation of rights and maritime zones” in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, and that any historic rights the CCP had to resources in the South China Sea were “extinguished by the entry into force of the Convention to the extent they were incompatible with the Convention’s system of maritime zones.”

各民族在中国南海的索赔. (VOA)

各民族在中国南海的索赔. (VOA)

Regardless of the decision, 然而, the CCP has repeatedly stated it would “neither accept nor participate in the arbitration unilaterally initiated by the Philippines,” according to the press release.

According to Cheng, the Chinese regime did not attend the hearings for the simple reason that “they knew their case was not going to stand up to current tenets of international law.”
But according to Cheng, “the Chinese were not going to make any concessions in the South China Sea before this, and they’re not going to now.”

He added that “there weren’t many countries that believed the Chinese position to begin with.”

Moving forward, it’s likely the CCP will make a new propaganda push to discredit the Tribunal, and it may try to manufacture a new disinformation line to base its claims on. It’s also likely the CCP will make a stronger push either with military strength or by starting more civilian ventures in the South China Sea.

The CCP has four masks it can wear in the South China Sea conflict: one for military intimidation, one for peaceful civilian ventures, one for financial gain, and another for strategic deception.

The ruling has put a dent in the CCP’s mask for strategic deception, but its other fronts remain largely unscathed.

“I think the Chinese are going to play the tourist card,” Cheng said, noting that already it has done tourist flights to the South China Sea. He said the CCP will also likely make new pushes with military power and may look for an economic component as well in order to justify its unlawful ventures in the region.

He noted that the CCP may also try a diplomatic approach, and build its own alliance, which could include Laos, Cambodia, and Brunei. He said it may offer these countries an agreement “to say, work with us you get something, oppose us you’ll get nothing.”

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新闻分析

当涉及到中国南海的引起激烈争议海域, 北京从来就不是一个上就其任何让步声明理应根据历史从右到近于马六甲海峡的贸易阻塞点喂了整个大海.

而面临着越来越大的国际反对, 中国似乎不顾一切地生成的支持,蛋糕合法性木皮其索赔.

在一个正在进行的国际法律仲裁, 菲律宾当局和法律专家反复论证,中国的索赔没有比老 2009, 当共产主义政权推出的现有持股或不少于6东南亚国家的索赔侵犯一个经常被引用的“九虚线”.

仲裁是 在海牙被处理 并预计将产生在马尼拉的青睐判决在即将到来的裁决七月 12.

中国誓言要无视海牙的裁决, 但也有迹象表明,仲裁来作为危险固体挑战其编造故事.

反对中国扩张的合并似乎已经踢了共产主义的宣传机器和中国的外交努力进入高潮. 中国国营的喉舌已经驳回了诉讼作为“闹剧,“推造势跨越国界的支持.

中国正在对永暑岛建设中的中国南海的一个岛屿. 中国政权是目前在该地区部署“反介入”武器. (克里夫·欧文/ AP)

在中国军网的英文版本的意见,部分搜查, 中国的解放军 (PLA) 对“中国南海”返回将近官方新闻出版 40 结果出来的 80 故事的第一页上的文章. 这些, 10 文章出现在他们的头条新闻“仲裁”, 最早其中调用法律行动“单方面”和“非法”马尼拉举.

激烈的媒体宣传似乎是中国正在实施挥洒观念有利于自己一个更大的小组作业的一部分.

造谣使用的共产主​​义政权动摇或在国内外舆论转向一个长期的战略,. 在共产主义中国, 这个被称为“三Warfares”-media战, 法律战, 和心理战. 它是用来迷惑并通过各种形式的颠覆划分对手.

造谣平减?

在六月 23 在塔什干会议, 上海合作组织的多个成员国, 这是一个经济集团主要领导的中国和俄罗斯, 在中国南海表示对中国的支持.

但在公共关系游戏北京玩细看表明可怜的门面,而不是一个强大的集团. 在正被放在一起围绕中国威胁东南亚和美国的合作伙伴关系的光, 与成功的仲裁深化巩固联盟, 中国的造谣似乎落空.

中泽胜二, 日本金融票据的日经指数, 说明国家的脆弱或临时收集声称在中国南海争端与中国一边. 中国大多数的支持者是遥远的非洲国家和中亚国家在东南亚的小股权或影响的水域,即使如此,, 明确的代言却很少.

“谁实际上已经被证明作出有关中国的好评是有限的政党官员在在中国南海没有直接利益的国家,“中泽写在 七月 1 文章.

这是支持俄罗斯,北京似乎最觊觎. 在六月底, 俄罗斯总统普京在塔什干峰会快速会见了中国共产党领导人习近平连续两次一次, 并再次在六月 25 在北京, 据报道,在中国方面“强烈要求”.

虽然没有普京还是俄罗斯政府一直支持中国公开, 中泽说,北京希望利用会议通过规模和人口创造了世界上最大的国家间协议的印象.

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  • 说:, ,
  • 笔者: <a href="http://www.theepochtimes.com/n3/author/leo-timm/" rel="author">利奥·蒂姆</一个>, <a href="http://www.theepochtimes.com/" title="Epoch Times" rel="publisher">大纪元时报</一个>
  • 项目: 一般

中国海军水兵进行军事演习在靠近中国南方的海南岛和西沙群岛海域上月在搜索船上的导弹驱逐舰合肥的目标 8, 2016. (Zha Chunming/Xinhua via AP)中国海军水兵进行军事演习在靠近中国南方的海南岛和西沙群岛海域上月在搜索船上的导弹驱逐舰合肥的目标 8, 2016. (Zha Chunming/Xinhua via AP)

北京中国军舰, 战斗机和潜艇在中国南海举行实弹军演, 官方媒体周六报道, 提前一个国际法庭的裁决几天到北京的水域广阔索赔挑战.

海军硬件的高调展示,是中国的宣传攻势,旨在展示其军事力量,并声称它的主权争议地区最新的齐射.

虽然中国曾表示,演习是例行, 他们来提前海牙的国际法庭的裁决周二在争夺中国在中国南海索赔菲律宾提起的诉讼. 中国正在抵制的情况,并表示不会接受判决.

中国中央电视台表明上周五的演习视频, 由解放军海军三大舰队进行. 该画面显示导弹和鱼雷正在从舰艇发射, 飞机编队飞行,并释放耀斑, 和潜艇浮出水面水中.

演习的目的是检验海军的战斗准备和计划运行到星期一, 央视称.

中国导弹护卫舰运城军事演习在靠近中国南方的海南岛和西沙群岛海域上月期间推出的反舰导弹 8, 2016. (Zha Chunming/Xinhua via AP)

中国导弹护卫舰运城军事演习在靠近中国南方的海南岛和西沙群岛海域上月期间推出的反舰导弹 8, 2016. (Zha Chunming/Xinhua via AP)

Zhao Yanquan, 导弹驱逐舰的指挥官, 说该方案测试的部队来定位敌方潜艇的能力, 其中,敌方战舰被攻击时敌人的飞机正在起飞.

“我们收集到的信息, 分析它在其上作出决定. 为了我们, 这是一场真正的战争局面,因此测试表明此,“赵先生说.

本周早些时候, 越南抗议中国的军事演习,并要求北京停止在威胁安全和海上安全的方式行事.

越南, 中国大陆和台湾都声称西沙群岛, 这是被中国占领, 而这三个与菲律宾一起, 马来西亚和文莱声称对南沙群岛的全部或部分, 这被认为是丰富的自然资源,占领世界上最繁忙的海上通道之一.

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A China Coast Guard ship (top) and a Philippine supply boat engage in a stand off as the Philippine boat attempts to reach the Second Thomas Shoal, a remote South China Sea a reef claimed by both countries, 在三月 29, 2014. (Jay DirectoJ/AFP/Getty Images)A China Coast Guard ship (top) and a Philippine supply boat engage in a stand off as the Philippine boat attempts to reach the Second Thomas Shoal, a remote South China Sea a reef claimed by both countries, 在三月 29, 2014. (Jay DirectoJ/AFP/Getty Images)

在十月 2015, the Philippines filed a pending arbitration case against China through the Permanent Court of Arbitration in the Hague, arguing that the Chinese regime’s claims to the South China Sea violate international law.

As a decision on the South China Sea looms in international court, the Chinese regime has done all it can to avoid the case—from stating it will not participate, to making threats against the Philippines, to rallying African nations so as to claim a base of support.

Yet with the ruling now just around the corner, the Chinese regime is pulling one last card out of its sleeve.

As Mark Eadas writes on Foreign Policy Association, Chinese state media and the South China Morning Post (which has been brought more deeply under Party control), announced a new “legal challenge” and “fresh uncertainty” on the case, submitted by a legal organization called the Asia-Pacific Institute of International Law (APIIL) 在香港.

The APIIL submitted a “friend of the court” brief that avoids the issue of whether the Chinese regime has legal rights throughout the South China Sea, and instead claims the court itself lacks jurisdiction for a ruling. Eadas notes the brief hasn’t yet been made public, so its full details aren’t clear.

The claim itself may be interesting for anyone watching the South China Sea dispute, given that it suggests the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) doesn’t seem to believe its claims of “historical sovereignty” will hold up.

But what’s really interesting about the new development isn’t the claims themselves, but instead what’s really behind the organizations making the claims.

As Eadas notes, the Chinese state media left out an important detail on the APIIL. As he puts it, the organization “hardly exists,” as it was only registered as a business two months ago in Hong Kong, and “no website or public contact information, no prior history of legal practice, and no names associated with it other than ‘chairman’ Daniel Fung.”

Before we go any further, Fung claims objectivity on the South China Sea dispute. He told the state-run Xinhua news outlet he only wants to “maintain the perfection of the international law system.” He just doesn’t want to see “the international law system being jeopardized or its reputation being damaged.”

But as Eadas notes, Fung’s allegiances already lie elsewhere. He has a long track record of supporting the CCP’s stances going back to at least 1997; and Chinese state media also missed the crucial detail that Fung is a delegate of the CCP’s Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (政协) 在北京. 在 2010 he was found guilty in Hong Kong for professional misconduct.

Paramilitary guards walk in Tiananmen Square outside the Great Hall of the People during a press conference of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (政协) 在三月 2, 2013. The CPPCC is under the United Front Department, which is one of the Chinese regime's key spy departments. (埃德·琼斯/法新社/盖蒂图片社)

Paramilitary guards walk in Tiananmen Square outside the Great Hall of the People during a press conference of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (政协) 在三月 2, 2013. The CPPCC is under the United Front Department, which is one of the Chinese regime’s key spy departments. (埃德·琼斯/法新社/盖蒂图片社)

Fung’s position with the CPPCC also opens its own can of worms. According to an October 2011 report from the Europe China Research and Advice Network, the CPPCC’s members “are not elected but hand-picked by the Chinese Communist Party.”

The report also notes that the CPPCC is directly operated by the CCP’s United Front Department, which is one of the Chinese regime’s main spy organizations and focuses specifically on infiltrating power structures abroad to expand the CCP’s control of foreign politics, 商业, and public thought.

Epoch Times has deeply exposed the United Front Department over the years, along with its sister spy department, 海外中国事务办公室.

And the strings that pull Fung don’t end there. Eadas writes that Fung is also a founding governor of the China-United States Exchange Foundation (CUSEF), which poses as a non-political and non-governmental organization. 然而, Eadas cites former deputy assistant to the vice-president of the United States for national security affairs Aaron Friedberg stating that it has ties to the CCP and to the Chinese military.

As opposed to its claims to be “non-political” and “non-governmental,” Friedberg states the CUSEF “is supported and advised by government-linked entities including the Shanghai Institute for International Studies and the [人民解放军] Academy of Military Science.” Friedberg also notes the CUSEF is “is funded by Hong Kong tycoons and [中文] state-owned enterprises .”

Eadas sums up the CCP’s new “legal challenge” noting it is “evidently nothing but a cheap trick to delay the court ruling with a fake ‘legal organization’ thrown together by a pro-Beijing shyster lawyer solely for that purpose.”

And the case also shows a level of fear and doubt among the Chinese regime’s leaders, facing a pending case that will officially expose the falsehood of their claims to the South China Sea and give international backing to nations that oppose them.

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The Chinese regime may soon deploy submarines armed with nuclear missiles for patrols in the Pacific Ocean, according to the Guardian. It appears the Guardian’s story is based more on analysis and not from a direct announcement by the Chinese military, but the analysis does hold its ground.
Chinese military officials are not commenting on when they will start the first patrols of their nuclear-armed submarines, but the report says they “insist the move is inevitable.” The Guardian also cites a May 18 analysis by the Federation of American Scientists on a report from the U.S. Department of Defense about China’s nuclear forces.
“China will probably conduct its first SSBN [ballistic missile submarine] nuclear deterrence patrol sometime in 2016,” the report says, and the analysis notes China has deployed submarines capable of carrying nuclear weapons in the past, but it was unclear on whether or not they were armed.
It says all four of China’s operational Jin-class SSBNs are in its Longpo (Yulin) Submarine Base on Hainan Island. It says China also has two Shang-class nuclear submarines at the base, and is constructing a fifth Jin-class submarine as well.
Read MoreChina Goes on Spree of Strengthening Military Alliances After Vietnam Shifts West
Any deployment of the submarines would inevitably have them pass through the South China Sea (where Hainan Island is located).
If China deployment of nuclear weapons in the South China Sea, it would very likely inflame the already volatile tensions in the region. The Chinese regime claims the South China Sea almost in its entirety and has enraged many neighboring countries by building artificial islands with military bases, and used its military to chase off foreign ships.

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中国共产党 (CCP) made a stream of announcements on May 24 和 25 that it is deepening its military ties with several nearby countries, including Russia, 泰国, Myanmar (formerly Burma), and Malaysia.
At any other time, it would just appear the CCP had gone through a brief spat of highly-successful diplomacy. But in this case, the timing is important. All these agreements come just one to two days after President Barack Obama met with Vietnamese leader Tran Dai Quang on May 23 and officially ended the U.S. arms embargo on Vietnam.
在5月 25, the CCP joined the “China-ASEAN Defense Ministers’ Informal Meeting” in Laos, and on May 24 it held the “18th round of strategic consultation between Chinese and Russian militaries,” according to China Military Online.
Chinese state-run news reports said on May 25 that Myanmar vowed to deepen military cooperation with China, Thailand vowed to improve its military relations with China, and Malaysia announced that it would strengthen its naval cooperation with China.
During the May 24 meetings in Beijing, Russia and China held discussions on military strategy and cooperation. The meeting was between Jianguo, Deputy Chief of Joint Staff Department of China’s Central Military Commission; and Lieutenant General Sergey Rudskoy, Deputy Chief of General Staff of the Russian Armed Forces and Chief of the Main Operative Directorate of the General Staff of the Russian Armed Forces.
Read MoreChina’s Response to Vietnam Arms Embargo Reveals Regime’s Own Ambitions
China and Malaysia also held another set of meetings on May 24, where they agreed to cooperate more on defense. 据新华社, the meeting was between Vice chairman of China’s Central Military Commission Xu Qiliang, and Malaysian Navy chief Dato’ Seri Panglima Ahmad Kamarulzaman bin Haji Ahmad Badaruddin.
And to top it off, 在5月 23, the same day Obama made his announcement alongside Quang, the Chinese and Thai militaries fired anti-aircraft missiles during a training in Thailand. China Military Online waited two days to post the announcement, and noted the drill between the two was the first of its kind.
This is likely the CCP’s way of telling the coalition that has formed against its aggression in the South China Sea that it also has a coalition of nations behind it.

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  • 说:, , , ,
  • 笔者: <a href="http://www.theepochtimes.com/n3/author/joshua-philipp/" rel="author">菲利普·约书亚</一个>, <a href="http://www.theepochtimes.com/" title="Epoch Times" rel="publisher">大纪元时报</一个>
  • 项目: 一般

在5月 24, the United States made a diplomatic move in the Asia–Pacific region that strengthens the growing coalition against the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), deepens U.S. influence in the region, and expands the number of nations around China that are shifting away from pacifism and inaction.
The CCP’s response was to welcome the move, and declare it a healthy development for the world.
If that response seems uncharacteristic of the CCP, you’re right, but only because its interests rest much deeper.
The move in discussion is President Barack Obama’s lifting of the decades-old arms embargo on Vietnam. He met with Vietnamese leader Tran Dai Quang and declared, according to The Associated Press, “This change will ensure that Vietnam has access to the equipment it needs to defend itself and removes a lingering vestige of the Cold War.”
作为回应, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying said, according to a transcript, that China is “happy to see Vietnam develop normal relations with all countries, including the U.S.”
With the CCP, all of its responses—whether through its Foreign Ministry spokesperson or its state-run news outlets—are going to be tightly regulated, and with something on this scale, also tightly calculated.
What’s interesting about this development is that the CCP seems to have assessed that it’s more in its interest to feign support for the development than to criticize it. And its likely interest is the potential that this could act as a springboard for it to begin lobbying the United States and the European Union to lift similar arms embargoes on China—which were set in place after its Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989.
Vietnam’s poor human rights record has been one of the deal’s main points of criticism, and the fact that Obama went ahead with the deal despite this likely has some Chinese leaders rubbing their hands together.
Read MoreNew Orders Tighten China’s Grip on Military Hackers
The Chinese regime pushes an ideology in its form of diplomacy that human rights shouldn’t get in the way of politics. This policy has enabled it to forge alliances with some of the world’s most despotic regimes, and to build its own bloc of influence with countries the United States and European Union refuse to deal with.
This factor has brought strong criticism onto the CCP, since its support of countries like North Korea allows totalitarian regimes to sustain themselves when they would otherwise very likely collapse.
当然, Vietnam isn’t as bad as North Korea, but it is run by a communist one-party government, and it also has some of the same human rights abuses as other communist states. According to a freedom ranking of countries by Freedom House, Vietnam scored 20 在......之外 100 with being the least free. It notes that Vietnam has almost no political freedom and few civil liberties.
What’s interesting about China’s response to the new deal is that its propaganda thinkers have apparently assessed that the benefit of a muted response outweighs the benefit of criticism—particularly since this will likely shift the tides further against its favor in the Asia–Pacific region.
The deal itself is more symbolic than anything. Its main impact will likely be much less on Vietnam’s military strength and much more on how Vietnam is perceived globally.
Vietnam was already buying military vehicles and equipment from Russia, and the shift in U.S. stance is unlikely to make Vietnam much more of a military threat to China than it already is. Vietnam has more military personnel than the United States, with close to half a million in active service and a reserve force of three million.
Read MoreFaced With Barrage of Chinese Spies, 美国扩大了对国家安全案件规则
But if recent history tells us anything, the CCP does view this new deal as a threat and is holding its tongue. When the United States began lifting its arms embargo on Vietnam in 2014, the CCP’s state-run People’s Daily criticized the deal and accused the United States of interfering with the “balance of power in the region.”
The “balance of power in the region” is what this new deal will likely impact most. What it changes is how the United States views Vietnam, and it may help Vietnamese diplomacy with other nations as well. As Japan Times reported, it will reduce the “political sensitivity” that nations would otherwise face when strengthening ties with Vietnam.

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China is working on an underwater surveillance system that may thwart U.S. maritime advantage in the Asia-Pacific region.
The “Underwater Great Wall Project,” as it is called, proposes a network of ships and underwater sensors capable of “real-time location, tracing of surface and underwater targets,” according to the China State Shipbuilding Corporation.
The company shared details about the project at its booth at a late-2015 public exhibition in China. Translation of the description was obtained by IHS Jane’sa British publisher specializing in defense, 安全, aerospace, and transportation intelligence.
The network “could significantly erode the undersea warfare advantage held by U.S. and Russian submarines and contribute greatly to future Chinese ability to control the South China Sea,” IHS Jane’s wrote in a May 17 文章.
China is muscling its way into the South China Sea, claiming vast territory already claimed by other neighboring countries that rely on the United States for military protection. Particularly disconcerting was China’s recent move to build advanced military facilities on a man-made island it has created in the Spratly Islands region between Philippines, 马来西亚, 越南.
Read MoreChina Deploys Fighter Jets to Chase US Destroyer in South China Sea
The underwater surveillance project resembles the sound surveillance system (SOSUS) the United States deployed in the 1950s to detect Soviet submarines.
The Chinese plan has been described in greater detail in a late 2015 article by China Ocean News, a publication sponsored by the China’s State Oceanic Administration.
以来 2010, China invested at least 290 万元 (过度 $44 百万) into underwater surveillance systems at its southern shore bordering the South China Sea.
But the initiatives have suffered lack of coordinationduplication, and waste of resources, among other problems, the article states.
It calls for a “top-level designof a project that won’t be limited to the waters in China’s jurisdiction, but should also take into account offshore and deep sea areas, remote islands, and channels and “lay the foundation for future expansion.
“It is emphatically stated, moreover, that China’s ambitions for its undersea observation system cannot be restricted to its coastal waters, but rather may be appropriate to deploy into all ocean areas touching Chinese national interests,” wrote Lyle J. Goldstein, associate professor in the China Maritime Studies Institute at the U.S. Naval War College, in his analysis of the article.
Read MoreChina Lands Military Plane in South China Sea

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The Chinese regime allegedly sent two fighter jets to intercept a U.S. military plane in international airspace in the South China Sea.
A brief Pentagon statement announcing the incident was posted on Twitter by Dan Linden of ABC News. The Department of Defense (DoD) did not immediately respond to a phone call and email to confirm the claims.
It states the DoD is reviewing the incident, which took place on May 17. Two “tactical aircraftwere sent by the Chinese regime to intercept a U.S. maritime patrol reconnaissance aircraft.
Read MoreNew Orders Tighten China’s Grip on Military Hackers
The incident took place in international airspace, 它指出, “during a routine patrol of the South China Sea.It notes that “initial reports characterized the incident as unsafe.
Many details are still unclearparticularly the exact location of the incident.
The incident comes on the heels of a similar incident a week ago, 在5月 10. The Chinese regime scrambled two fighter jets and three warships, and had them chase the USS William P. 劳伦斯, 导弹驱逐舰, near the Fiery Cross Reef.
Read MoreChina Deploys Fighter Jets to Chase US Destroyer in South China Sea
The Fiery Cross Reef is part of the Spratly Island chain in the South China Sea, and it’s about 500 英里以南的中国大陆. It’s internationally recognized as being in international waters, but the Chinese regime has claimed the reef where it constructed an island and a military basecomplete with a nearly 10,000-foot airstrip.

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中国政权炒五月战斗机 10 追中美. 海军船在中国南海约一区 500 英里以南的中国大陆.
美国正在继续它的“航行自由” 在该地区演习, 这几个不同的国家要求的零件, 和中国宣称其全部.
该USS威廉·佩特斯·. 劳伦斯, 导弹驱逐舰, 12海里的永暑岛的中传递, 这是在南沙群岛链. 据路透社报道, 中国当局回应争先恐后两个作战飞机和三艘军舰, 该遮挡的U.S. 船,告诉它离开.
中国改装成礁人工岛中一个极具争议的举动中 2014, 9月份和卫星图像. 2015 表明中国政府已开始对人工岛建设先进军事设施, 包括先进雷达.
据外交官, 中国政权还构建了跑道的人工岛接近 10,000 一英尺长. 在扬. 2, 它进行了第一次降落在新建的跑道.
这已经不是第一次了中国政权炒飞机追逐在有争议地区的外国船舶或飞机. 在 2013, 不久后,中国建立在有争议的东中国海在很大程度上无法识别防空区, 它开始争先恐后飞机追逐中美. 和日本飞机穿过区域.
更多:面对中国间谍的弹幕, 美国扩大了对国家安全案件规则
这可能, 然而, 在第一时间,中国政权扰乱飞机在一个地区追逐外国船只这个遥远的南方中国大陆.
中国当局最近才开始在中国南海部署飞机. 二月里, 它开始在永兴岛部署飞机, 西沙群岛岛屿链的一部分接近越南和海南.
该飞机是在最近使用的入侵, 然而, 很可能它部署在四月初至永兴岛两个J-11战斗机.

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这则消息最初分析分派为大纪元时报中国的电子邮件通讯的一部分. 在“中国D-简单填写您的电子邮件订阅电子报” 根据本条框.
阿根廷海岸警卫队遇到一艘中国拖网渔船在其领海非法捕鱼在三月中旬. 忽略无线电呼叫和反复警告火灾的中国偷猎者, 并试图撞击阿根廷船.
最后, 阿根廷海岸警卫队做了什么,少数几个国家敢. 据纽约邮报, 他们开枪射击在船的船体. 他们获救船员四个沉船, 而28名成员组成的乘员组的其余被另一个附近的中国渔船回升.
中国政权已经在事件发生表示愤慨, 但阿根廷也不示弱, 并且通过这样做, 它可能会设定一个先例,其他国家可以把面临的海洋争端中国交战时.
印度尼西亚紧随其后以强硬态度对中国的侵略. 印度尼西亚当局在三月逮捕了一名中国渔民 19 在纳土纳海, 靠近印度尼西亚的纳土纳群岛, 并有拖中国渔船.
一位中国海岸警卫队船只猛撞,然后将渔船拖, 从印尼船释放它, 据雅加达邮报.
这是不寻常的印度尼西亚当局逮捕的外国渔民在其水域偷猎, 但中国海岸警卫队与干扰逮捕他们推过线.
印度尼西亚当局驳斥了中国的指责对事件, 并于3月 21 海洋事务和渔业部长苏西Pudjiastuti宣布了她的办公室将召集中国驻印尼大使,并要求作出解释.
中国当局可能无意中吸引印尼到中国南海冲突, 他们曾在事发前毫无兴趣—他们的反应是迅速.
在三月 31, 印尼国防部长表示,他们将在纳土纳群岛部署美国制造的F-16战斗机—接近的地方与中国海岸警卫入侵发生, 据彭博社报道, 战争了他所谓的“小偷。”
几天之后, 印尼宣布将部署防空系统的纳土纳群岛, 有四个特殊单位以及盯人德国制造欧瑞康Skyshield防空系统, 根据IHS简氏.
然后在四月 5, 在象征性的炫耀武力, 印尼销毁 23 外国船舶抓盗猎—东西也并不少见,他们, 但时机瞩目. 其渔业部长, 王莲香Pudjiastuti, 说过, 据外交官, “我印象深刻,称赞中国的执法设备. 我希望他们也将尊重印尼的法律。”
越南的“稀有’ 响应
中国和印尼之间的初始事发后, 越南也加入.
在三月 31, 越南海岸警卫队扣押了中国加油船非法进入其领海.
由于日经报道,4月 3, 该事件是“反对中国船只越南当局罕见的举动。” 中国船舶的船长涉嫌承认了自己的入侵, 并说他的船是为中国渔船在越南境内活动的开展燃料.
虽然不能说是肯定的,一个事件引发其他, 时间排队, 而事件与越南, 尤其是, 结果显示大胆的一个新的水平,而站在了针对中国的入侵.
零对冲指出,越南抓住中国船舶是两国自“最大的领土升级 2014 当中国在拖一个石油钻井平台到有争议的海域在中国南海 2014, 引发危险的船冲压和越南反暴动中国。”
如果一个新的零容忍态度真的已经对中国的反击各国之间的发展, 它可能带来的有效结束当前中国的战略在中国南海的领土占领.
在中国的策略的孔
中国共产党 (CCP) 有接管中国南海两大战略—围绕一个宣传设计, 另一个各地的军事演习.
在宣传方, 使用了所谓的“三Warfares中共我们。” 这些都是法律战, 心理战, 和媒体战. 它基本上意味着他们指责别人的侵略,并继续重复他们拥有的法律权利征服地区线.
美国传统基金会的成斌在五月解释战术 21, 2012, 报告. 关于法律战元素, 他写, “法律战, 在其最基本的, 包括“主张己方是守法, 批评对方违反法律 [weifa], ,使论据在也有违反法律的情况下己方。”
在军事方面, 中国共产党是用什么中国的将军有所谓的“白菜策略,” 在那里他们说唱面积层层逐层. 它在实践中的旧苏联的“香肠切片的策略相似。”
作为该战略的一部分, 第一个中共送入渔船, 然后浮标标记领地钓鱼, 然后海岸警卫队船只,以保护渔船, 然后基础设施来支持运营, 然后他们形成了一个防守外线保持了外国船只.
该战略旨在发挥出逐渐, 而出现尽可能良性. 它在沸水类比类似青蛙, 那里的水加热也逐渐为青蛙的通知—直到为时已晚.
这些战略针对严格遵守国际法,避免过激行动的国家运行良好, 但两者都键缺陷内置了.
中共的宣传策略保护,并试图验证其海上战略. 如果宣传系统出现故障, 然后海事侧失去合法性的面具, 而只是看起来像一个国家入侵另一个领土.
更多:中国安防: 在网络安全的面纱, 看起来,中国的治国全球互联网
中国的宣传系统通常能跟上, 但他们已经不仅有效地工作时,只有少数事件来回应, 而当其对手没有反应过于激进或者不背火太硬打击其宣传.
与中共的企图在中国南海的收购真正具有讽刺意味的是,它不慎而导致其他国家在该地区—甚至许多在历史上没有相处得—形成对中国结盟.
最近的事件已经举起了杠铃到一定水平,中国的策略未必能托起. 它的

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New images suggest the Chinese regime has deployed anti-ship cruise missiles on Woody Island, in its latest move to weaponize disputed territory in the South China Sea.
An image of a YJ-62 anti-ship missiles being fired on what appears to be Woody Island was posted on China’s Weibo blog on March 20. The missile has a 248-mile range, and is designed to sink modern warships.
Richard Fisher, senior fellow at the International Assessment and Strategy Centerexplained the validity of the image in a report from intelligence company IHS Jane’s.
Fisher said the image of the missile is consistent with photos of the YJ-62 published in Chinese military magazines. He also notes the image “shows a radar dome that the Chinese blogger makes a strong case for being on Woody Island.
The development would be consistent with recent Chinese news reports. A report from the South China Morning Post said the Chinese regime may deploy anti-ship missiles and other advanced weapons to islands in the South China Sea.
The Chinese news outlets cited Li Jie, senior researcher at the Chinese regime’s People’s Liberation Army Naval Military Studies Research Institute, making the claims.
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China has been in the process of weaponizing the islandssome of which it seized, and some of which it constructed itself.
The Chinese regime recently deployed jets, 雷达, and anti-air missiles on the islands. Reports also suggest it is building a helicopter base for anti-submarine warfare.
By weaponizing the islands, the Chinese regime is moving closer to what defense analysts have been warning about for years. They say China is trying to establish an anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) strategy to gain military control over the region.

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China may have just shot itself in the foot with its efforts to seize new territory. Its recent actions may draw India into the conflict, which could act as an essential piece to sway the situation against China’s interests.
Chinese troops have reportedly been seen at forward outposts along the Line of Control, along Pakistani side of Kashmirand this has sounded alarms in India.
Strategically, the timing couldn’t have been worse. This happened right as India’s leaders are considering whether to join the dispute against China’s territorial claims in the South China Sea.
Soldiers from China’s People’s Liberation Army have been making “frequent incursions in Ladakhin the Himalayas, and Chinese troops may be building infrastructure along the Line of Control, reported The Times of India on March 13.
Chinese troops are also digging tunnels in Leepa Valley in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir as part of its China-Pakistan-Economic Corridor that will build a highway from China to Pakistan, and pass under Karakoram Highway, which India says is being illegally occupied by China.
The Chinese efforts are causing a stir in India, just as India is considering offers from Japan and Vietnam to collaborate on efforts to counter China’s takeover of the South China Sea.
We shall continue to cooperate with other countries including India to exploit resources within our 200-nautical-mile EEZ.Ton Sinh ThanhVietnam ambassador to India

Vietnam invited India on Feb. 24 to explore and exploit natural resources within its 200-nautical-mile Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) in the South China Sea, and didn’t try hiding its intentions of countering China’s efforts in the same area.
“We are determined to protect our rights and maintain regular activities in our sovereign waters,” said Ton Sinh Thanh, Vietnam’s ambassador to India, according to The Economic Times. “Accordingly, we shall continue to cooperate with other countries including India to exploit resources within our 200-nautical-mile EEZ.
For anyone who has been following the conflict, Vietnam’s request to India has deeper implications.
The Chinese regime placed an oil-drilling rig in waters 120-miles from the coast of Vietnam on May 2, 2014, and sent relations between the two countries into a nose-dive.
China had removed the oil rig in July 2014, but brought it back in January 2016. Vietnam’s request to India is meant to fire back at China’s efforts.
Vietnam isn’t the only country asking India to help counter the Chinese regime in the South China, 或.
India is currently in talks with Japan to help with several efforts in the regionalso meant to indirectly (yet without much subtlety) fight back against China’s efforts.
Japan and India are looking to work together on upgrading civilian infrastructure in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, and may include the construction of a 15-megawatt diesel power plant on South Andaman Island.
India’s entrance into the conflict is likely the last thing Chinese leaders would want.

As New York Times reported on March 11, the collaboration would mark a shift of policy in India, “which has not previously accepted offers of foreign investment in the archipelago,” and the area has strategic importance in countering China. It states the islands are northwest of the Strait of Malacca and offer control of a “so-called choke point that is one of China’s greatest marine vulnerabilities.
India’s entrance into the conflict is likely the last thing Chinese leaders would want. Not only are nations around China forming an alliance, but India is also seen as the emerging superpower that could challenge China’s economic ambitions in the near future.
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The two countries also have a history of not getting along. Conflicts between India and China have been ongoing since the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) established its dominance over China on Oct. 1, 1949.
India is involved in its own territorial dispute with China over the McMahon Line on the borders of Tibetafter the CCP invaded Tibet in October 1950, and claimed sovereignty over it a year later.
When the Tibetans feel that we do not threaten them with aggression and treat them equally, then we will solve the subsequent fate of this region.— 毛泽东

The situation has grown complicated in recent years, but leaked Soviet documents, recently declassified and published by the Wilson Center give some insight into what actually took place.
Mao Zedong detailed some of his plans during a discussion on Feb. 6, 1949, with Soviet statesman Anastas Mikoyan.
“The Tibet question is very complicated,” Mao said prior to his invasion, according to the translated Soviet document. “In essence, it is a British colony, and only formally counts as China’s.
Mao had also detailed his plans, saying that after the CCP finished its civil war, “when the Tibetans feel that we do not threaten them with aggression and treat them equally, then we will solve the subsequent fate of this region.
Declassified documents showed that the Soviets were unhappy with China’s hasty takeover of Tibet, noting that they allowed the Dalai Lama to escape, and their aggression caught the attention of India.
The CCP’s conflict with India, and its disputes with activists for a free Tibet, have been ongoing since then.
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This conflict has only deepened with China’s increasing military cooperation with Pakistan.
China is also allegedly planning to build three military security divisions in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, which The Times of India says will use a local name “so that India does not protest.
It notes the new Chinese military divisions will number around 30,000 troops and “will be deployed in and around the installations built by the Chinese firms.Issues like this have Indian leaders worried, and its intelligence such as this that may spur the sleeping giant into action.

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