在成千上万的法轮功practitiioners在台北参加一个集会 23 四月 2006, 4名示威反对什么,他们说是中国共产党人的法轮功追随者杀害及其器官的收获在集中营里的动作戏玩.  (帕特里克·林/ AFP / Getty图像)在成千上万的法轮功practitiioners在台北参加一个集会 23 四月 2006, 4名示威反对什么,他们说是中国共产党人的法轮功追随者杀害及其器官的收获在集中营里的动作戏玩.  (帕特里克·林/ AFP / Getty图像)

“有出血. 他还活着”, 中国医生, 恩维尔托蒂, 回忆到 专家小组 爱尔兰对中国的良心犯器官的利润丰厚的实践.

联合委员会在外交事务和贸易部, 和国防听取证据器官摘取专家介绍, 包括戴维·麦塔斯和森·古特曼, 谁都被提名为诺贝尔和平奖在中国的调查工作.

该小组在委员会列出了一系列的建议, 包括敦促政府禁止“器官tourism'-一个利润丰厚的业务由中国主要滥用, 其中公民旅游到海外接受器官移植.

这些器官移植的受害者的主体是从从业者 法轮功-a和平, 传统的冥想练习,其主要原则是真实性, 同情, 和宽容. 中国共产党开始了其从业者的血腥迫害 1999 这一直持续到今天.

成千上万的从业者是在中国劳改营在任何一个时间在茫茫网和很容易受到被提上列出了摘取器官.

器官旅游业已经被禁止在以色列, 台湾, 意大利, 和西班牙. 古特曼说,这些国家这样做出来的“诚信意识, 悲剧的一个高度发达的意识, 历史的智慧,知道大牌球星, [如] 美国. 英国。, 可能不会在世界的悲剧干涉“。

古特曼接着说,这是一个关键时刻的关键时刻, 现在是采取行动的时候.

博士. 托蒂说,他在上世纪90年代进行的器官摘取手术,以为他在做他的职责,以“消除国家的敌人。”

“每次我给这个帐户似乎是一个表白,“ 他说, 交谈委员会前.

他介绍了中国社会如何, 共产党统治下你成为自满奴隶, 一个“社会的全面编程员, 准备提前完成任务,而不问问题“。

在 1995, 他说,两个主要的外科医生问他准备一支球队“最大可能的手术”第二天早上.

托蒂和他的团队被带到院外,并告诉等待枪声.

“枪声后,听到, 我们冲进来. 一个全副武装的军官指示我们最右边的角落, 在那里我可以看到一个平民衣服的男子躺在地上,一颗子弹伤了他的右胸,”托蒂说.

然后他说医生首席有序,引导他到提取肝脏和两个肾. “这个人还活着,“ 他说. 受伤的人试图反抗,但力量太弱.

报名参加中国境外器官移植后, 等待时间是几个月到几年, 根据器官的类型. 但是,专家们发现的是,如果器官在中国买, 新的器官可以几天或者几周内交付.

一个推动这个器官旅游贸易的驱动因素是机关的高要求.

托蒂描述的器官交易的冷酷本性在中国, 引用对中国移植的网站,如“无限供给”和使用的术语“约会前你的心脏移植。”

“这是不能接受的,正常的“由一赠一,自由的购物模式可在器官移植中可以看出,“ 他说.

托蒂还提到最近在新疆地区全国免费健康检查报告为“维吾尔人提高生活质量。”

“我们怀疑,中共正在为器官交易的国家数据库,“ 他说. 维吾尔族是一个穆斯林少数民族也针对中共迫害,据说也已针对活摘器官.

古特曼和麦塔斯发现,在中国有6万个移植”到 100,000 在近700页的报告,每年”移植他们去年6月出版.

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一月 11, 2017

A ceremony at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on July 1, 2016. (王钊/法新社/盖蒂图片社)A ceremony at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on July 1, 2016. (王钊/法新社/盖蒂图片社)

China has the world’s second largest economy and one of the biggest stock exchanges. Modern high-rise skyscrapers dot the skyline in Beijing, 天津, 和上海. All makes of cars can be found on public roads, and Chinese citizens carry the latest model of smartphones.

Surely the People’s Republic of China is a modern capitalist state and merely communist in name?

The Chinese Communist Party has adopted some aspects of capitalism, but China remains a textbook communist country: The Party controls the commanding heights of the economy and all land; it maintains strict controls on speech, assembly, and belief; and the Chinese regime’s political structure is a classic Leninist dictatorship.

China would not have been able to enjoy stretches of double digit GDP growth in recent years if the Party under paramount leader Deng Xiaoping had not turned away from pure socialism and experimented with economic reform starting in 1978.

Over the decades, the Party slowly relinquished some control over the means of production, and allowed private enterprise and entrepreneurs. The top Chinese leadership now refers to its five-year plans as “guidelines” in recognition that the Party no longer oversees a classic command economy.

But the Party runs what could be termed a “neo command economy.”

State-owned enterprises may make up only 3 percent of all companies in China today, but they produce an estimated 25 至 30 百分 of the total industrial output. The Party maintains command over the economy by having top Party officials or family members own several key industries. 例如, Jiang Mianheng, the son of former Party leader Jiang Zemin, is known as China’s “Telecommunications King” due to his sizable interests and control over the industry.

China’s impressive GDP growth figures are widely known to be manipulated. Li Keqiang, the current Chinese premier, told a U.S. official in 2007 that official figures are unreliable and he instead looks at railway cargo volume, electricity consumption, and new loans disbursed by banks to better gauge China’s economic growth.

Many top Chinese businesspeople are Communist Party members who serve on the regime’s rubber stamp legislature or its political advisory body. Part of the reason is a Party policy to co-opt Chinese business elites, but businesspeople join up anyway because Party membership guarantees business advantage.

And in line with textbook Marxist teachings, the Party is the only true landowner in China; the Party leases land to the Chinese people.

Chinese society continues to be tightly controlled by the Party.

The Party employs over two million internet police to censor public opinion, and maintains a powerful internet firewall to keep out the global internet within China’s borders. Population control officers force Chinese women to stick to the state mandated child limit, and carry out forced abortions and sterilizations against women who don’t conform.

Regime dissenters, as well as religious communities and ordinary members of civil society, live under the constant threat of being declared political enemies by the Party and then “invited to tea,” code for being interrogated by dreaded public security officers. Dissidents are abused, 折磨, and frequently made to carry out forced labor in detention centers.

The regime secures an almost perfect conviction rate against its political enemies in the courts, which it 控制. Prominent dissidents find themselves under house arrest the moment they complete their often lengthy jail stints.

The Chinese constitution guarantees freedom of belief, but the Party ignores its own laws. 例如, former Communist Party general secretary Jiang Zemin forced through the unpopular 对法轮功的迫害 spiritual practice in 1999, and created an extralegal organization to ensure that the regime’s law and security apparatus to carry out Jiang’s policy.

Politically, China is still run by a Leninist Party obsessed with control.

The Chinese Communist Party has been the only governing political party since 1949; other parties exist under a “united front,” but are not independent of the communists.

The Party’s leader or general secretary doesn’t run a cabinet, and is instead part of a Political Bureau, a collection of top officials that make all the top decisions in the country. He is also handpicked by Party elders and elites, not democratically elected.

These days, the leaders of China may have traded in their grey, five-button, Mandarin-collared Mao suits for dark business suits. But as long as the hammer and sickle remains in the Great Hall of the People, communism hasn’t yet been relegated to the dust heap of history in China.

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  • 说:, , ,
  • 笔者: <a href="http://www.theepochtimes.com/n3/author/larry-ong/" rel="author">王永辉</一个>, <a href="http://www.theepochtimes.com/" title="Epoch Times" rel="publisher">大纪元时报</一个>
  • 项目: 一般

中国工人在11月重污染在施工现场焊接. 29, 2014 在北京. (凯文Frayer /盖蒂图片社)中国工人在11月重污染在施工现场焊接. 29, 2014 在北京. (凯文Frayer /盖蒂图片社)

Deng Xiaoping’s 1992 南巡是由中国官方的宣传通常被称为改革的新起点. 事实上, 从制度变迁的角度, 中国的社会主义经济制度正式来到结束 1997, 当中国开始实行国有企业的私有化 (国有企业).

国有企业被认为是社会主义经济制度的支柱之一. 当大多数国有企业被私有化, 社会主义经济制度将彻底瓦解,因为特点是私有制的经济制度,其实是资本主义.

Cheng Xiaonong (大纪元周报)

但有趣的是, 中国共产党 (CCP) 在否认有关其私有化政策. 尽管实际上确实发生, 中共一直不承认它已经完成了私有化超过十年前. 当局已经覆盖了私有化的“国企改革长期,“但刻意回避谈论什么样的系统,他们为改革. 事实上, 当时只有两个用于国有企业改革的可能性: 无论是完全私有化, 把它变成一个完全的民营企业, 或部分私有化, 允许由国有的主要份额部分私有制.

1990银行业危机

有一个原因,政府选择私有化却故意留含糊其.

Zhu Rongji, 中国总理当时, 花了两个因素考虑作出决定时,. 第一, 国有企业已经成为政府沉重的财政负担, 导致银行系统濒临崩溃. 邓小平时代的经济改革不可能解决国有企业面临的严重问题, 它无条件地靠国家的银行贷款. 然而, 企业经营状况恶化, 和许多国有企业不再偿还银行的贷款,甚至支付利息. 从90年代中期, 一个潜在的银行系统的金融危机变得越来越明显.

在这种情况下, 中国的国有企业经理成为了新东家, 基本上是通过非法手段

在90年代初期, 多于 20 由四大国有银行的贷款%的坏账准备. 在 1994, 中国的银行业遭遇了一次严重亏损全国. 通过 1996, 整体银行贷款的百分之七十已经成为不良或逾期.

在第二半 1997, 拯救免于崩溃的银行系统, 政府不得不推出国有企业,即重组计划, 私有化摆脱大多不是更本身 10,000 国有企业和国家的“包袱”.

世界贸易组织的要求

此外, 中国急于加入世界贸易组织,扩大出口. 但世贸组织认为中国必须在建立市场经济的前提条件 15 年份, 废除计划经济, 并实施国有企业私有化. 如果中国不能证明国有企业私有化的实施, 它不会被允许加入世贸组织.

由于政府和媒体覆盖约占国有企业私有化的事实, 人谁没有在国有企业工作不了解的意思是“国有企业改革”。事实上, 所谓的“改革”是允许的中小型企业私有化,并允许大型国有企业要在市场部分私有化上市.

当局让国有企业的董事,经理执行“转型”,裁员. 任何社会的不满和愤怒从改革所产生的将因此被转移到那些人,而不是给政府. 当然, 这些董事和经理没有采取白白怪; 他们丰厚的补偿.

在这个私有化阴谋的关键问题是,: 谁愿意购买这些国有企业? 正如在俄罗斯的情况下, 中国国有企业的董事,经理没有数以百万计的百万或数百储蓄收购企业, 外资起到了国有企业私有化过程中一个最小的角色. 在这种情况下, 中国的国有企业经理成为了新东家, 基本上是通过非法手段.

工人建造一个石油钻井平台大庆, 黑龙江省五月 2, 2016. (Nocolas ASFOUR /法新社/盖蒂图片社)

掩饰

这就是为什么中国政府不允许国内的研究人员研究国有企业私有化进程的原因, 和中国的媒体根本没有报道真相.

讽刺地, 尽管是为中国的媒体和研究人员禁止的话题, 它是开放的研究人员外. 国外研究者, 通过国际组织,如世界银行, 可以自由进入中国和私有化后的国有企业所有权状况进行全国范围的抽样调查. 在过去的十年, 这些研究人员已经出版了一些书籍中英文对中国的私有化结果. 然而, 没有这些书籍被翻译或在中国出版.

中国政府允许外国研究人员研究国有企业所有权,以提供对私有化在中国的世界银行和其他国际组织和进展情况铺平中国加入世界贸易组织的方式.

由于中国的国有企业私有化已经大白于天下, 中国政府在中国境内的态度只能叫自欺欺人.

博士. 程晓农是中国的政治和经济的学者, 总部设在新泽西州. 他是中国人民大学的毕业生, 在那里他获得了硕士学位经济学, 和普林斯顿大学, 在那里,他获得博士学位社会学. 在中国, 程是一个政策研究员和助手前总书记赵紫阳, 当赵是总理. 程一直在哥廷根大学的访问学者, 德国和普林斯顿, 并担任现代中国研究杂志主编. 他的评论和列经常出现在海外的中国媒体.

查看 第一篇论文 这里.

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This narrative, edited and abridged, is a recollection of the open yet orderly atmosphere that characterized three weeks in May 1989 when Beijing enjoyed a brief respite from Party control. Author Chen Gang, a college student during the iconic events, recalls his personal experience from the student demonstrations that involved millions of people.
There are concerns that China, removed from the one-Party state’s dominance, would suffer great chaos. 事实上, we in Beijing enjoyed some twenty days of peace and order in the spring and summer of 1989—outside the grip of the Chinese Communist Party.
Starting May 13 当年, college students from many of the Chinese capital’s institutions flocked to Tiananmen Square to take part in the demonstrations and hunger strike in support of human rights and to protest the corruption of Party officials. Ordinary residents as well as students, spontaneously joined in the events, making a peak of of three million people across Beijing.
It was from this day on that the Communist Party began to lose control, and anarchy seemed to loom over the capital.
Spontaneous Order at Tiananmen
当时, I was a junior in college. 在5月 16, I went with my fellow students and professors to Tiananmen to support those on hunger strike. Every day, thousands upon thousands of Beijingers of different class backgrounds swarmed into the square or marched in parades around the area.
Read MoreVindicating Tiananmen SquareElder Party Cadre in Exile Suggests That Former Leader Jiang Zemin May Be Arrested
The police—those managing traffic, public security officers, and military police—had all left their posts at Tiananmen and in the general vicinity. But there was no chaos at all. 宁, students simply occupied the empty positions to maintain order. I was at the square every day, and I neither saw nor heard of any theft or violence.
To support the students, people from all over the capital sent a wide variety of food, drink, and other goods to the square. The supplies piled up in mountains. We immediately began a sincere effort to share the responsibilities of distribution. As firstcomers, we did not abuse our privilege. We instead handed out the food and supplies to others before seeing to our own needs. And those who came took just what they needed.
Hundreds of thousands of Chinese gathering in Tiananmen Square demanding democracy despite martial law in Beijing on June 2, 1989. (凯瑟琳·亨丽埃特/法新社/盖蒂图片社)
It was an emotional moment: I had never expected that the communist slogan of “Assign the abundant material goods to the people according to their need” would be first realized there at a Tiananmen Square—freed of the Party organization.
The patriotism of the students’ movement was a great motivator. The people set aside their selfishness and put their hearts to the future of the state and our nation. Among the students were no lack of beautiful girls from around the country. I was very young and without a girlfriend, and indeed there were many opportunities for me to find a like-minded young woman there on the square. 然而, for fear of blaspheming this great patriotic undertaking, I dared not be moved by any personal desires. I never asked the names or hometowns of those pretty girls standing next to me side by side.
Without the Party
在5月 20, seeing power and personal privilege slipping from their hands, the Communist Party leadership declared martial law. Hundreds of thousands of soldiers from the People’s Liberation Army were deployed outside Beijing and prepared to suppress the students and “resume normal order” despite the fact that it had never been lost and that the millions of Beijing residents were working and living in peace.
And it was with peaceful disobedience that hundreds of thousands of people blocked the People’s Liberation Army formations marching into the capital from all directions. The Beijing government, all but paralyzed, fell out of Party control. The capital’s higher institution set up autonomous students’ and workers’ associations, all without Party leaders.
Beijing magistrates in their court uniforms join workers demonstrating in Beijing streets on May 18, 1989, in support of student hunger strikers gathered at Tiananmen Square. (凯瑟琳·亨丽埃特/法新社/盖蒂图片社)
Fully-armed soldiers arriving in combat vehicles were at a loss when they saw what the capital looked like. 在5月 21, I went to the Gucheng Street in Shijingshan District, which was near my home. I saw only a long column of military vehicles snaking through the street, stopped in place by a human chain of residents.
The troops had been fooled by the authorities, who claimed that there was “turmoil in Beijing” and that order needed to be restored. Locals surrounding the soldiers spoke to them about the truth of the circumstances, that the students were protesting against corruption, that Beijing was in good order, and that the PLA was not needed to restore anything. The only request was for the patriotic students and citizens to be spared bloodshed.
Everywhere the people of the capital used their bodies to halt the army vehicles. The words of a middle-aged lady stuck in my mind: “Why doesn’t the United Nations send peacekeeping forces to protect us here in Beijing?“
Pro-democracy demonstrators applaud students from Beijing University standing on People’s Liberation Army (PLA) armored personnel carriers in Beijing on May 21, 1989, trying to convince the soldiers to defy the Martial Law which was proclaimed the previous day. (凯瑟琳·亨丽埃特/法新社/盖蒂图片社)
No police, military police, or soldiers occupied Beijing proper or its outskirts. The capital was simply out of the Communist Party’s domain. Not wanting to give the authorities any excuse to suppress the demonstrations, the students cooperated to institute a meticulous regime of social law and order, starting with directing traffic.
那时候, there was no “riot,” and even thieves renounced stealing. Beijing police statistics showed a visible decrease in all crimes during those events. Traffic accidents reached an all-time low. Commercial activity continued without interruption.
Pro-democracy demonstrators surround a truck carrying People’s Liberation Army soldiers on their way to Tiananmen Square in Beijing on May 20, 1989. (凯瑟琳·亨丽埃特/法新社/盖蒂图片社)
Common Hopes
一般, under the Party’s

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纽约—几乎 10,000 人 53 国家附近聚集了联合国在达格·哈马舍尔德公园五月 13, 在集会支持推挡, 大型草根运动中,中国人放弃他们的隶属关系或支持,中国共产党.
“中国, 没有共产主义, 有利于中国社会的稳定和世界和平,” said Yi Rong, 集会的组织者和推挡中心总裁, 一个非营利性组织,征求并编目放弃声明. “这是反弹支持那些谁切断与中国政府的关系。”
In addition to Yi Rong, 集会由Alan Adler的特色演讲, 法轮功之友主席, 和德国国际人权协会的吴曼衍. 一位台湾人权律师和法轮大法协会在台湾和香港的负责人还谈到了. 法轮大法, 最常见的被称为法轮功, 冥想是一种传统的中国实践; 在各个国家的做法协会是协调从业人员的公益活动志愿者团体.
运动戒烟, 或放弃, 中国共产党, called ‘Tuidang’ 在中国, 开始了中国语言后不久,大纪元时报发表的系列社论“九评共产党。” 该系列旨在对使用暴力和宣传作为党统治的主要工具棚灯,因为政权成立.
大卫·汤普金斯, 在推挡中心发言人. (弗兰克·芳/大纪元)
该三退, 而不是调用革命或抗议, “大约是说服中国人, 一次一个, 要明白,他们所经历的灌输, 并且该道路的自由对他们来说是退党,” 大卫说汤普金斯, 该发言人推挡中心.
“我们不反对中国人, 我们实际上是为中国人,” 他加了.
该组织每年五月举行的一次集会, 与法轮大法日的五月庆祝重合 13. 汤普金斯认为谁已经放弃了党的中国人的数量, 现行主要站在 237 百万, 会到达 240 百万几个月内. 每天多的人戒烟是 115,000, 他说.
这些数字是基于在tuidang.dajiyuan.com注册放弃声明的数字 (大纪元是本报的中国版) 并且是公开验证. 汤普金斯说,他们收到的真实性在推挡中心兽医志愿者的声明.
一个谁在集会上发生的参与者是潘凯翔, 来自中国的浙江大学前助理心理学教授, 谁来到美国一年前, 在退出后,党 2005. 他在监狱里被抛出,因为他是法轮功修炼, 一个修行月以来已通过中国政权迫害过的对象 1999.
Pan Kaixiang, 在中国前心理学助理教授. (弗兰克·芳/大纪元)
潘决定来支持反弹,因为他相信三退是“中国人的精神觉醒的标志, 以及道德的觉醒。” 潘说,他最大的精神创伤,而在监狱是该政权如何试图“改变他的自由意志和灵魂” 谎言, 威胁, 和洗脑.
反弹行情的一大亮点是,当四男两女走到讲台,宣布自己从取款中国共产党.
“我相信中国共产党,不仅污染了环境, 但是这一切都最大的污染背后—人的精神环境的污染,” said Jiang Yu from Heilongjiang Province. “法轮大法, 另一方面, 恰恰解决了这一精神污染。”
实践教滞销冥想练习以及真实性的原则, 善,忍.
在与总部位于纽约的新唐人电视台的采访 (NTD), 江泽民说,他经常用自由门访问大纪元和新唐人的网站, 这两者都是中国审查. 自由门是反审查软件,允许用户绕过中国的长城防火墙.

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The bidding war to acquire Starwood Hotels intensified after Chinese insurer Anbang raised its offer on Monday, 游行 28. The new offer is likely to threaten Marriott’s merger plan with Starwood.
Starwood Hotels & 度假村集团, Inc.(NYSE: HOT) announced on Monday that it received a revised non-binding offer from the consortium led by Anbang Insurance Group. The offer is likely to lead to a “superior proposaland allow Starwood to engage in discussions with the consortium, according to the company’s press release.
The consortium revised its bid to $82.75 per share in cash, an increase from the $78 per share proposal made on March 18. This tops Marriott’s latest bid on March 21, which was valued at $79.53 (in cash and stock). 
Anbang’s new offer raised the value of Starwood to $14 十亿, Marriott’s offer was $13.6 十亿.
Marriott International, Inc.(纳斯达克: MAR) reaffirmed its commitment to acquire Starwood on Monday and stated: “The combined company will offer stockholders significant equity upside and greater long-term value driven by a larger global footprint, wider choice of brands for consumers, substantial revenue synergies, and improved economics to owners and franchisees leading to accelerated global growth and continued strong returns.”
In its statement, Marriott also questioned Anbang’s ability to finance the transaction and get the necessary regulatory approvals
“Starwood stockholders should give serious consideration to the question of whether the Anbang-led consortium will be able to close the proposed transaction, with a particular focus on the certainty of the consortium’s financing and the timing of any required regulatory approvals.”
Starwood, the owner of St. Regis, W, Westin, and Sheraton brands, will have to pay Marriott $450 million to break up the merger arrangement.
Both Marriott and Starwood announced they had agreed to merge in a cash and stock deal that would value Starwood at $12.2 billion last November. Both companies signed an amended merger agreement after Mariott sweetened its bid for Starwood on March 21, valuing the company at $13.6 billion.
The merger, if it still goes through, would create the world’s largest hotel company. Marriott is confident it can achieve $250 million in annual cost synergies within two years after closing the Starwood deal.
After the news on Monday, shares of Starwood rose 2 percent, 至 $83.78. And shares of Marriott rose 3.93 百分, 至 $71.34.
(Google Finance)
Other consortium members acting together with Anbang in the Starwood deal are the two private equity firms J.C. Flowers & Co. and Primavera Capital Limited.
Founded in 2004, Anbang made a surprising move in the United States last year by acquiring New York City’s Waldorf Astoria Hotel. The company has aggressively taken billions out of China and invested them in insurance companies in the United States, 比利时, the Netherlands, and South Korea.
It also offered $6.5 billion to buy Strategic Hotels & 度假村公司, which owns several high-end properties including the JW Marriott Essex House in New York and Hotel Del Coronado in San Diego.
The Waldorf Astoria Hotel in Midtown East in Manhattan on Oct. 6, 2014. (AP Photo/Mark Lennihan)
Recent Deals May Attract Scrutiny
Given Anbang’s ties to the Chinese Communist Party, such transactions present security issues.
There is plenty of reason for controversy. The chairman of Anbang, Wu Xiaohui, is the grandson-in-law of the former leader of the Chinese Communist Party, Deng Xiaoping.
One of Anbang’s consultants is Chen Xiaolu, founder of the Red Guard Police Corps during the time of Mao Zedong’s Cultural Revolution, who had previously admitted he was part of the torture and persecution of teachers during the Cultural Revolution. His father was one of the communist regime’s founding generals.
Anbang’s $1.95 billion acquisition of the iconic Waldorf Astoria Hotel last year, attracted scrutiny from the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS), which reviews deals over possible national security concerns, but was eventually approved. 据专家介绍, CFIUS will also take a look at Anbang’s latest activities.

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A party of Chinese men and women upset local diners at a restaurant in Seoul’s Myeongdong District by engaging in lewd sexual behavior at the table. The group ignored complaints about the disturbance and eventually had to be reseated.
In attendance at the Feb. 23 dinner were three Chinese diplomats stationed in Korea, including Consul Wang Xianmin, South Korea’s JTBC Television reported on Feb. 26.
How can such people represent their country as diplomats?— Korean netizen

The party, numbering over a dozen people, had devolved into a drunken din. Several of the men made obscene contact with the women sitting around them, and their moans were audible throughout the restaurant.
“In addition to kissing, caressing, and men burying their faces in female bosomssome of the women sat in the men’s laps,” ChinaGate, a major overseas Chinese-language news outlet, 报道.  
Heavily censored screenshots from video taken at the scene. (Images via JTBC)
更多:Chinese Woman, Pregnant With a Girl, Dies After 9th Abortion Because Her Mother-in-Law Wants a Grandson

About thirty other customers were in the restaurant, including high school girls and young children.
One witness interviewed by JTBC saw a woman in the party wearing the torso piece of a traditional Korean dress.
The licentiousness spilled into the restroom when a man and woman went in there together in an intoxicated state, a high school girl at the restaurant said. The couple’s sounds of ecstasy could be heard from outside, she told JTBC.
更多:5 Reasons Why North Korea Is a Terrible Ally for ChinaChinese Official Says Disneyland Will Destroy Chinese Culture
The party was reseated after complaints from other customers at the family restaurant. Staff said that the party had come from the Chinese embassy.
According to the JTBC report, Consul Wang Xianmin is an expert with over ten years in Sino-Korean relations, while the other two are lesser diplomats stationed at the embassy.
Koreans were enraged by the reports, which soon made it to the top of web traffic lists on Duam, a major Korean net portal. Internet users left 1,700 comments within four hours of the JTBC broadcast.  
Already-weak ties between China and South Korea could only suffer from the scandalous incident, the JTBC report said.
“How can such people represent their country as diplomats?” one angry netizen wrote. “They humiliate their own nation and won’t gain any respect from other countries.
“These diplomats of the Chinese Communist Party are on the same level as hoodlums, the restaurant boss should have reported this to the police,” another said. “To have this sort of promiscuous behavior in a restaurant is sin.
This is a common occurrence in China, there’s nothing special about it.Chinese netizen

“High in position, low in nature,” said one user with regard to the diplomats.
Chinese netizen reactions were mixed. Some expressed shame at the incident, while others rebuked the Koreans.
“Why have the Korean gooks suddenly become so conservative?” one slur-slinging Chinese user wrote. “This is a common occurrence in China, there’s nothing special about it.
A more critical comment goes: “You’re a diplomat in a foreign country but you can’t control the lower half of your body. How about you do surgery and become a eunuch first?”
One lampooned the communist system by parodying the iconic propaganda song “The East Is Red.“The Communist Party has undergone highly advanced sexual education and has a powerful libido. They’ll do it wherever they go. The Communist Party is like the sun, shining wherever it goes.
“This incident tells us that when barbarian lowlifes hold power, they make a huge mess around the world,” a Korean web user wrote. “The Korean authorities and common citizens should all realize this.
It’s not the first time Chinese embassy staff have been in the media spotlight by unwelcome behavior in Korea. 在五月 2008, a worker at the Chinese consulate in the city of Gwangju was stopped by police when he caused an accident while driving drunk. He was detained after he tried to kick the officers.
更多:Efforts Made to Block Shen Yun in South Korea’s CapitalCHINA TRANSLATED: ‘Party Spirit Extinguished, Human Side Running Amok

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纽约—每年都有各种各样的社会团体来一起庆祝中国新年在唐人街, 法拉盛. 花车和表演的丰富多彩的游行—鼓手, 舞狮, 天体少女—招摇过市移动. 但在过去的几年里, 仅在煽动仇恨集中在一个组也取得了它的存在已知—并根据秘密记录素材, 他们得到报酬.
“我们是华盛军乐队,” 在一个秘密录制的音频上周一个人说. “我们得到报酬 $100 前面当我们到达参加, 然后又 $10 为了食物. 每年我们得到报酬. 如果我们没有拿到工资, 我们要走出来? 我们来玩一个有点钱, 然后回家。”
乐队伴随着中国反邪教协会世界联盟, 其身着红色和专注于骚扰法轮功练习者, 02月新年游行. 13. 法轮功是已在中国受迫害的,因为传统的修行 1999. CACWA被广泛地怀疑与在纽约的中国领事馆密切联系, 的,其使命的一部分它是抑制群体由中国当局视为持不同政见者的声音.
法轮功学员, 谁提高对滥用问题的认识, 拷打, 和器官收获对他们在中国, 对于中国的外交前哨的主要目标之一. 这种做法本身涉及执行五套功法,坚持真实性原则, 同情, 和宽容. 据信在1990年代末,因为人练了数已经成为一个目标由中国国家, 从政权的控制自己的独立性.
法轮功学员参加在法拉盛的中国农历新年大游行, 皇后, N.Y., 02月. 13, 2016. (本杰明Chasteen /大纪元)
采用astroturfing技术—部署出现群体没有关系政府, 但它们实际上是由党支持, 和推党在线—是中国共产党的一个众所周知的惯用手法. 这样的技术已经熟练以来党的内战多年来在20世纪30年代和40年代在中国使用. 在 2008 中国的领事一般, Peng Keyu, 遇上了秘密录制的电话吹嘘他如何组织愤怒的暴徒围攻法轮功在法拉盛街头.
新唐人电视台, 总部设在纽约市一个独立的中国语言广播, 由华盛乐队成员的秘密录音今年. 华盛是一家总部位于美国的中国官方的乐队之一, 根据另一个秘密录制的采访由NTD去年.
该NTD记者甚至跟着乐队成员, 和CACWA组, 因为他们捆绑了寒冷和成一个大的唐人街餐厅午餐宴会.
“大家都到齐? 一旦每个人都在这里,我将传递出票. 这些谁是与我们, 找到自己的座位. 然后告诉我,有多少人在你的餐桌, 我会传递出票,” said Li Huahong, 该组的组织者, 在记录上月秘密录像. 13. 它并没有在她的公开声明作出了明确, 但它似乎是在门票兑换成现金或餐.
从新唐人电视台报告,显示在法拉盛一家餐厅李华虹和她的小组成员的静止, 唐人街. 李的一声呼唤指令参与者接受他们的“门票。” (NTD)
李获得了她对法轮功的恶毒宣传的声誉, 这是共产党在很大程度上拷贝在中国官方的反法轮功宣传传播. 一个党的最知名的线是比较生虫法轮功练习者, 或对公众安全构成威胁谁必须对被挣扎并消除.
三月 2013, 13 纽约提起诉讼,指控违反了这些信仰的自由CACA的成员和支持者谁修炼法轮功。 (11 原告是该学科的追随者). 今年在法拉盛游行前几天, 在美国纽约东区联邦地区法院发布了28页的驳回决定的议案, 律师锂华虹申请, 撤销案件.
“我一直说,什么中国共产党一直致力于对法轮功的行为是种族灭绝,” 说叶宁, 在美国一个人权律师, 在NTD的采访.  “所谓的反邪教联盟纯粹是党的种族灭绝的海外扩张。”

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The Chinese regime may be changing its policy on nuclear weapons, from one based on “survivabilityto one that has its missiles ready to launch at any moment.
Recent discussions in the Chinese military “suggest pressure is building to change China’s nuclear posture,” says a new report from the Union of Concerned Scientists.
It may be moving, the report says, “toward a policy of launch-on-warning and hair-trigger alert.
As the report notes, the United States “keeps hundreds of nuclear weapons on hair-trigger alert.But if China were to change its policy, it would make the threat of nuclear war more present.
“这样的改变将大大增加核交换或事故的风险—一个危险的转变,美国可以帮助避免,” 它指出.
There has been a chain of incidents leading to the alleged shift.
在 2012, 在中国共产党的领导 (CCP), 习近平, gave a speech on nuclear policy, and its nuclear troops were told to “maintain a high alert levelassuring that if something happens we’re ready to go.
在 2013, an updated text on Chinese military strategy, which the report says the Union of Concerned Scientists partially translated, said China’s nuclear forces would move towards a “launch-on-warningposture.
更多:调查报告: 专为谋杀医院
It says that these examples, along with others, “suggest that a domestic conversation about raising the alert level of China’s nuclear forces is taking place.
The report warns that if China adopts a hair-trigger policy for nuclear launch, it would increase the “risk of an accidental, mistaken, or unauthorized nuclear launch, as evidenced by dozens of close calls in the United States, 俄国, and former Soviet Union.
“Technical and human errors are especially likely early on, as radar and satellite warning systems are developed,” 它指出.

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The anti-corruption campaign of Chinese Communist Party leader Xi Jinping is entering its fourth year. Tens of thousands of CCP officials having been investigated, and several of those who formerly were some of the most powerful men in China having been purged and convicted. 在扬. 12, the first high-ranking official of 2016 was convicted and sentenced.
News reports in the West of the conviction of former Vice Minister of Public Security Li Dongsheng focused on the 15-year sentence he received for bribery. But the coverage of Li’s trial in China revealed much more, suggesting the current leadership regards the persecution of Falun Gong to be the work of the faction loyal to Jiang Zemin.
From the beginning, the charges against Li Dongsheng for corruption have been tied to his role in persecuting Falun Gong.
The charges for corruption against former Public Security Vice Minister Li Dongsheng have been tied to his role in persecuting Falun Gong.

在十二月 2013, when the official website of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection announced the investigation of Li Dongsheng, it used three of his titles: vice head of the Central Leading Group for the Prevention and Handling of Cult-Related Issues; head of the office of the Leading Group, a.k.a. 该 610 办公室; and vice minister of Public Security.
That was the first time that Chinese authorities officially admitted the existence of the leading group and its 610 办公室, which was established on June 10, 1999 by then Party leader Jiang Zemin to eliminate the spiritual practice of Falun Gong. The exposure of the name of that secret agency strongly suggested that Li Dongsheng’s real crime was somehow linked to it.
When Li Dongsheng was sentenced, the only title mentioned in the report by state news agency Xinhua was vice minister of Public Security, but on the same day the business magazine Caixin put Li’s crimes back in the context of his role in persecuting Falun Gong.
Li Dongsheng, former head of the secret police task force the 610 办公室, in the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on Oct. 14, 2007. (弗雷德里克Ĵ. 布朗/法新社/盖蒂图片社)
‘Sharp Weapon
Caixin has played a special role in China over the last three years. It regularly publishes news that seems to come straight from inside Zhongnanhai, the Party’s leadership compound. Given its scoops on the anti-corruption campaign, the magazine is widely assumed to have a close relationship with the head of that effort, 王岐山. Caixin is also rumored to be close to Party leader Xi Jinping.
Caixin magazine has played a special role in China over the last three years. … It is also rumored to be close to Party leader Xi Jinping.

Caixin’s article bore the headline, “Zhou Yongkang’s Trusted Aide, Former Vice Minister of Public Security Li Dongsheng Sentenced 15 Years in His First Trial.” 在 2009, Li was promoted to head of the 610 Office and vice head of the leading group, as well as to the position of deputy minister of Public Security. One paragraph mentions Li’s two titles related to persecuting Falun Gong, and then states that Li was formally promoted to be a high ranking ministry level official and thus became “Zhou Yongkang’s sharp weapon” 在十月 2009.
The phrase ‘Zhou Yongkang’s sharp weaponis very interesting.

The phrase “Zhou Yongkang’s sharp weaponis very interesting. No law authorizes the persecution Li carried out. 代替, it is the Party’s political campaign. When Li Dongsheng took the positions in the leading group and its 610 办公室, he should have been considered the weapon of the Party, not of Zhou Yongkang.
When Jiang Zemin started the campaign against Falun Gong, he was the paramount leader of the Party and the Party as a whole joined the campaign. During that period, Jiang and the Party were the same. Whoever in the Party leadership that did not actively join the persecution was the exception, and thus only represented himself or herself, not the Party.
When Jiang Zemin partially retired in 2002 and fully retired in 2004, there were subtle changes in how the Party was run that weakened the authority of Party head, increased the autonomy of individual Party leaders, and gave Jiang Zemin continued influence over the direction of the Party. The number of Standing Committee members of the Politburothe most powerful body in the Partyincreased to nine. The additional members were loyal to Jiang, 和, combined with those incumbent members who were also loyal to him, gave Jiang a preponderant influence.
周永康, formerly the Chinese Communist Party Politburo Standing Committee member in charge of security, sits in a courtroom at the First Intermediate People’s Court of Tianjin in Tianjin, 中国, 六月 11, 2015. Zhou was sentenced to life in prison. (CCTV via AP)
In addition to increasing the size of the Committee, Jiang decided that each member was only in charge of his own portfolio and nobody should have veto power over others. Luo Gan, and Zhou Yongkang, who replaced Luo in 2007, became the Standing Committee members charged with carrying out the persecution, and the new arrangements gave them a free hand.
The hidden message of the Caixin article referring to “Zhou Yongkang’s sharp weaponis that Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao, the top two leaders at the time, were not responsible for the persecution.
Conspiracy
在六月 2015, Zhou Yongkang was sentenced to life in prison for three crimes: receiving bribes, abuse of power, and leaking state secrets. But these charges do not comprehend all of his crimes or even the worst of his crimes. His actual crimes may be divided into at least three parts: 腐败, conspiracy against Xi Jinping (now alluded to in the official press as non-organizational political activities), and the persecution of Falun Gong and other religious groups.
Caixin’s article implies that Li Dongsheng’s corruption and persecution of Falun Gong were related to Zhou Yongkang. Does Caixin also imply Li was a weapon in Zhou’s conspiracy?
更多:Huang Jiefu’s Sleight of Hand: Hiding the Organ Harvesting Taking Place in Plain SightDid the Chinese Regime Admit Torture?
在六月 2012, Bloomberg published an exclusive exposé of the

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In the name of “maintaining social security,” the Chinese regime spends billions of dollars to bolster its security apparatus every year. 然而, despite this exorbitant expenditure, the authorities in Beijing still don’t think its residents adequately safe from supposedly dangerous ideologies.
At a Jan. 13 新闻发布会, the Beijing Municipal Public Security Bureau lauded the accomplishments of four groups of district security volunteers, and publicly unveiled a fifth group, the Online Police Volunteers.
建立在 2014, the 3,000-member strong Online Police Volunteers is comprised of mainly youngsters—80 percent are born after 1980sand people from all walks of life, 据人民网, 国家喉舌人民日报的网络版. Volunteers are responsible for scouring the Chinese Internet for “criminal leads,” assisting the police with Internet censorship and cybersecurity, and reporting Internet users who “spread rumors.
Citizen public security volunteers serve as the Chinese Communist Party’s eyes and ears on the ground, monitoring and spying on their fellow citizens. Far from stabilizing society, Chinese Internet users and observers suggest that the presence of these informants only generates friction between the Chinese people and the communist regime.
Many Chinese Internet users reacted angrily to the unveiling of the Online Police Volunteers on Sina Weibo, a popular microblogging website.
The new volunteer security group “will soon themselves become the targets of social harmony and stability,” wrote Internet user “Adil—–” in a post. Other Internet users likened the group to “criminal accomplices,” “Nazi thugs,” and even “modern-day Red Guards.
The Red Guards were impressionable Chinese youth in the 1960s mobilized by Mao Zedong to attack “counterrevolutionaries”the Communist Party’s political enemiesand destroy traditional Chinese culture during the tumultuous decade of the Cultural Revolution.
The strong online reaction can in part be explained by a recently enacted Chinese legislation that targets the so-called “spreading of rumors.As of Nov. 1, 2015, those found guilty of rumor mongering face up to seven years in prison.
The establishing of informant groups is an attempt by the Chinese authorities to get the “masses to struggle against each other,” said Xu Lin, a human rights activist from the southern Chinese city of Guangzhou, to international broadcaster Radio Free Asia (RFA). He adds that the Chinese authorities wouldn’t be able to effectively intimidate the millions of Chinese netizens with their relatively scant volunteer online citizen police.
But the mere presence of citizen informants definitely deepens the rift between the regime and the people, Chinese blogger Ye Du told RFA in an interview.
“It’s like having a sword of Damocles hanging over headanyone can be reported anytime.

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A Chinese husband and wife whose experience of separation and persecution has extended over nearly a decade were hauled into a courtroom again recently. Once again, they faced a kangaroo court and highly politicized charges.
The romantic and tragic saga of the couplewho were married while the man, Zhou Xiangyang, was in a detention centerhas previously been documented by Amnesty International and other human rights organizations. After their marriage in 2009, Zhou and Li Shanshan, 他的老婆, have only been able to meet for brief snatches of time before one or the other of them is again taken away by police and detained.
11月. 30, the two were together again, in the Tianjin Dongli District Court. They were being accused of having “undermined the lawby practicing Falun Gong, a traditional discipline of self-cultivation which includes exercises and the moral teachings of truthfulness, 同情, 和宽容, and for raising awareness about the persecution of the practice.
自七月 1999 Falun Gong has been marked for elimination by the Chinese Communist Party, after a decision to launch a nationwide campaign by former Party leader Jiang Zemin.
Zhou and Li had been held in a detention center in the eastern Chinese city of Tianjin since March, after police raided their home and arrested them for possessing Falun Gong material, 根据Minghui.org, 对法轮功的迫害的信息交流中心. Such material typically includes the Falun Gong teachings and flyers and CD-ROMs about the abuses of those who practice it in China.
The Chinese regime’s persecution of Zhou Xiangyang and Li Shanshan was picked up by Amnesty International in 2011. (Screen shot/Amnesty International)
As is typical in similar cases, where the court system is used to enforce a political decision, the trial was marked by irregularities.
The defendants, 例如, were absent legal counsel, after one of their lawyers was prevented from arriving due to heavy smog, and the other resigned in protest at the judge’s peremptory decision not to suspend the trial because of the absence of his colleague.
Zhou and Li were also unable to defend themselves, forced to respond only with a “yesor a “noto the hectoring questions of the judge. The judge, Zhang Yaling, was also observed to be wearing a telephone headpiece, raising the question of whether he was receiving instructions from a third party.
Judge Zhang concluded the trial in 30 分钟, after the couple’s cellphones containing Falun Gong information were held up as evidence. The verdict has not been released yet; Chinese courts typically pass sentence within two months, though an appeal, lodged by lawyer Li Zhongwei on Dec. 22, is now in process, which may delay or alter the conclusion of the case.
Saga of Separation
The love story of Zhou Xiangyang and Li Shanshan’s is the stuff of a tragic drama, or perhaps a live example of the Chinese folktale in which a pair of star-crossed lovers are permitted by Heaven to only meet once a year.
The Tianjin couple had met only briefly, on three occasions, before Zhou was arrested by police for telling others about Falun Gong in May 2003. He sentenced to prison for nine years, beginning in August 2004. Speaking about the persecution of Falun Gong publicly, or handing out information regarding the Chinese regime’s violent abuses of practitioners, may be considered criminal offenses in China and punished with either jail time or years in a forced labor camp.
Having learned about Zhou’s detention through his family and friendsZhou was verbally abused, beaten unconscious, and shocked with electric batons in a forced labor campLi grew to sympathize and admire him.
在冬季 2004, she decided to visit Zhou at Tianjin’s Gangbei Prison. 然而, after spending an hour on a bus and walking half an hour in heavy snowfall to get there, she was rebuffed at the gates by prison guards. Only relatives were allowed in, 他们说.
Sitting outside the gates and staring at the empty, reed-strewn lands around the prison, Li grew despondent.
“I felt that this world was colder than the winter itself. Xiangyang just wanted to live by truthfulness, 同情, 和宽容. He did not commit any crime,” Li wrote in an account on Minghui.org, 法轮功网站.
On the spur of the moment, Li asked the prison officers to marry the two of them. She request startled them: usually, the only marriage-related requests received by such men were requests for divorce from spouses whose families had been shattered by the Party’s ceaseless campaign of persecution. They finally relented and let her see him as fianceafter she persisted in her request for five months.
The couple were finally married in October 2009, two months after Zhou was released from detention on medical parole.
Like the lovers in the Chinese folktale, 然而, they didn’t stay together for long.
三月 2011, they were again detained by the authorities. Because the two were well-liked by local residents, and their story had been passed around locally, over 7,000 Chinese signed a petition demanding the couple’s release. This an unusual feat given the relentless campaign of vilification carried out by the Party’s propaganda organs since the beginning of the anti-Falun Gong campaign.
A sample of the petitions signed by regular Chinese citizens in Tianjin calling on the Chinese authorities to release Falun Gong practitioner couple Zhou Xiangyang and Li Shanshan. (大纪元时报)
The efforts of the couple’s parents were also moving. Zhou Xiangyang’s father, a burly man from the countryside, would walk around with a white smock upon which he had written the tale of his son’s persecution. 在 2012, the parents drove a tractor to the prison compound, on which they had hung banners of protest, and passed three cold nights under it, until security forces arrested them and put the elderly couple in a re-education center.
在十二月 2011, Amnesty International released an urgent appeal calling for the release of Zhou Xiangyang and Li Shanshan, and the persecution of the couple became known internationally.
The couple found freedom in 2012until this March. Whether they will be separated again will be decided by Judge Zhang, 谁

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With their tenets for daily living of truthfulness compassion, 和宽容, thousands of Falun Gong practitioners from around the world, in yellow T-shirts emblazoned with “Falun Dafa is Good,” take to the streets of major U.S. cities a couple of days each year. Rallies and parades are held, politicians contacted, and flyers are handed out to help raise public awareness and consciousness. These efforts started when the Chinese Communist Party began persecuting 100 million Falun Gong practitioners on July 20, 1999.
Not too long ago, the response to this type of persecution had the potential to result in trade sanctions, robust talks in the United Nations human rights committee, support on Capital Hill, and major media coverage. The situation certainly warrants it. Yet many countries have found they are in an economic dance with China, which may cause major players to sit on the sidelines.
For the last 16 年份, tireless efforts have been made to educate and move the hearts of the public. These have been carried out by the individual efforts by thousands upon thousands of Falun Gong practitioners, both inside and outside of China, as well as a handful of investigators who have compiled books or created grassroots documentaries.
For the last 16 年份, Falun Gong practitioners have been working tirelessly to educate the public on the atrocities perpetrated by the Chinese regime.

Such efforts have been rewarded in the past. Modern history has shown that nonviolent means have resulted in what had appeared to be the impossible: establishing the independence of India in 1947, and the toppling of communismthe Berlin Wall in 1987, and USSR (communist Russia) 在 1991.
The most recent grassroots events organized by Falun Gong practitioners was held in Los Angeles and its surrounding communities on Oct. 14 通过 16, 2015. With permit in hand for public assembly, the yellow T-shirt wearers delivered their messagespecifically that the persecution of Falun Gong in China is severe, massive, and includes the Communist Party sanctioning of organ transplants from live Falun Gong practitioners. This business is known as Transplant Tourism.
Transplant Tourism in China
Transplant Tourism is murder on demand for an organ purchased by someone who then travels to China for a transplant operation. It is a big money maker for the Chinese military and for private hospitals, explains investigators and Nobel Prize nominees, 律师马塔斯, an international human rights attorney, and David Kilgour, the former Canadian secretary of state for Asia-Pacific.
Evidence about forced organ harvesting in China on prisoners of conscience has mounted ever since Matas and Kilgour published their first investigative report in 2006. They concluded that the vast majority of the victim pool comes not from death row prisoners but from prisoners of conscience—主要是法轮功, who are also the largest group in China’s prison systems.
在里面 2006 报告, Matas called this systematic forced organ harvesting by the Chinese Communist Party “a new form of evil we have yet to see on this planet.
博士. Dana Churchill, 医生反对强迫摘取器官的董事会成员, at a public park rally in Los Angeles on Oct. 15, 2015. (猫鲁尼/大纪元)
博士. Dana Churchill, one of the founding board members of Doctors Against Forced Organ Harvesting (DAFOH), a not for profit organization based in Washington, 特区, spoke at the rallies in Los Angeles and Santa Monica beach in October.
“The world has never seen more horrific and barbaric crime as the Chinese Communist Party has committed against Falun Gong. 但, not just Falun Gong, the Uyghurs, 基督徒, [和] Tibetans have all been organ harvested while they are alive, unwilling, and between 20 和 40 岁—the prime of their life,” said Churchill, a naturopathic physician from Pasadena, 加利福尼亚州.
The world has never seen more horrific and barbaric crime as the Chinese Communist Party has committed against Falun Gong.— 博士. Dana Churchill, founding board member, 医生反对强迫活摘器官

Recent released findings on the number murdered go far beyond the original estimates of various investigators and organizations. “With Falun Gong, 约 65,000 have been murdered, and that is according to DAFOH, our organization,” Churchill said.
在七月 17, 2015, at a Washington, 特区, rally, after nine years of investigation, WOIPFG announced that it “has concluded that since July 20, 1999, 中国共产党 (CCP), led by its former head Jiang Zemin, has utilized China’s entire state apparatus to harvest organs from living Falun Gong practitioners as part of Jiang’s campaign to ‘physically destroy’ 从业者. This is genocide and a crime against humanity.
Judy Feng, from New Jersey, volunteers to collect signatures at Santa Monica beach walkway with other Falun Gong practitioners wearing yellow T-shirts on Oct. 17, 2015. (猫鲁尼/大纪元)
Message to the Public
The messages of Falun Gong practitioners rallying in U.S. parks and streets are straight forward in their speeches, flyers, and banners, which include a call for bringing Jiang Zemin to justice and for mainland Chinese to withdrawal their membership from the CCP.
“We want the public to know that organ harvesting is happening in China, and we want it to stop,” said Judy Feng from New Jersey, who offered a flyer and petitions to people on the Santa Monica walkway on Oct. 16, 2015. She was one of several hundred Falun Gong practitioners wearing a yellow T-shirt that day who gathered there. She stood yards away from the rally where Churchill spoke and where dozens of people demonstrated Falun Gong’s gentle exercises.
更多:社论: Xi Jinping’s Choice and the Future of the Chinese PeopleSon of Chinese Revolutionary Tells Xi Jinping to End Communist Party’s DictatorshipCapitol Hill Forum Discusses Persecution and Torture of Falun Gong, 中共灭亡
For any grassroots movement to be successful, it needs the public to be more than informed. They need to be moved and so become active in supporting the humanitarian cause.
博士. Churchill’s message to the public was to get involved by talking to others: “Stand up. Do whatever you can to talk to somebody about it. Tell your relatives, your friends, your politicianseverybody you know. Just tell people about it and don’t stop until it’s stopped. Don’t give up.
Investigators Findings

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Since meeting with former U.S. secretary of state Henry Kissinger on Nov. 2, 王岐山, the head of the Chinese Communist Party’s internal disciplinary agency, hasn’t made a single public appearance by himself. That’s nearly two months. 与此同时, Wang’s deputies have been busy lecturing and investigating wayward cadres all around China.
His absence has been conspicuous and noted in the Chinese press. Popular Chinese Web portal Sina, 例如, wrote a piece asking, “With Wang gone for over a month, what ‘big moveis the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection planning?” (其实, Wang has made perfunctory appearances, along with other members of the seven-member Politburo Standing Committee, since Nov. 2, but he has never been featured in a solo appearance since then, which triggered the current speculation.)
Wang’s disappearance from public view is the subject of speculation in Chinese media because over the last couple of years, Wang’s lengthy absences have always been followed by the fall of a “big tiger”a Party term for high-ranking cadres, still in office or retired, who are widely suspected of corrupt activity.
Analysts say that Wang is likely preparing to take down members in the inner circle of Jiang Zemin, the former Party leader whose political faction, which had effectively run China for decades, has been decimated by Xi Jinping’s sweeping anti-corruption campaign.
The last time Wang “disappeared” 在七月, General Guo Boxiong, the former No. 2 in China’s military, was expelled from the Party and handed to military authorities to be prosecuted.
Shortly after Wang resurfaced after “disappearingfrom May to June last year, the late General Xu Caihou, Guo’s counterpart in the Central Military Commission, and former security czar Zhou Yongkang, were formally investigated for corruption.
In this instance, it has been nearly two months since Wang met Kissinger at Zhongnanhai, the leadership compound in Beijing for the Party’s elite.
更多:Son of Chinese Revolutionary Tells Xi Jinping to End Communist Party’s Dictatorship5 Signs the Past Is Catching Up With Ex-Chinese Leader Jiang Zemin
During Wang Qishan’s latest absence, seven of his deputiesZhang Jun, Wu Yuliang, Liu Jinguo, Yang Xiaodu, Wang Lingjun, Xiao Pei, and Chen Yongvisited 25 different Chinese cities, regions, and provinces to brief Party cadres on the updated Party disciplinary standards and regulations, which will be rolled out in January.
Party officials were investigated wherever Wang’s seven deputies lectured, sometimes even during the lunch recesses. According to Chinese business publication Caijing, Bai Xueshan, the vice chairman of Ningxia Autonomous Region, was arrested by disciplinary officers during a brief break in an all-hands cadre meeting there.
Ensuring that Party cadres run a tight ship in China isn’t the only thing concerning Wang and his seven deputies.
“When these high-ranking CCDI officials went to the various places, they weren’t there only to explain new discipline regulations,” recently wrote Zhou Xiaohui, a columnist for the Chinese edition of the Epoch Times. “They were there to oversee the next step of the anti-corruption campaign or even to do the preparatory work for Wang Qishan’s next ‘tigertakedown.
“If a ‘big tigeris indeed purged or reported to higher authorities, he will be at least a deputy at the state level or a retired elite cadre with political influence,” Zhou wrote. 因此, he speculated that “Zeng Qinghong and Ling Jihua are thus two likely candidatesfor a takedown after Wang re-emerges.
曾庆红, the former vice president of China, is ex-Party boss Jiang Zemin’s powerful backroom operator and hatchet-man. While Ling Jihua, formerly a top aide to former Party leader Hu Jintao, was investigated in 2014 and expelled from the Party this July, he has yet to be formally prosecuted and sentenced.
更多:Inscription Reportedly by Former Chinese Regime Leader Jiang Zemin Removed From Party SchoolXi Jinping Cleans House in China
Political commentator Zheng Jiangwei told New York-based broadcaster New Tang Dynasty Television that Wang Qishan’s “disappearancewas in step with Xi Jinping’s military reform, a move that analysts say was in part carried out to consolidate Xi’s control of the military and his power.
“The dispatching of top CCDI officials from Beijing was actually a form of intimidation under the name of ‘providing guidance,“” Zheng said. “Its purpose is maintaining order and stability within the Party as the military is undergoing reform.
And the “tight coordinationbetween the Wang and Xi suggests that “the top leadership is planning on making a major move,” 他加了.
In Zheng’s opinion, Wang and Xi are playing a game of chess, and their endgame is likely the arrest of Jiang Zemin. Once Xi Jinping fully controls the military, “the checkmate of the Jiang faction will become a reality,” Zheng said.

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这则消息最初分析分派为大纪元时报中国的电子邮件通讯的一部分. 在“中国D-简单填写您的电子邮件订阅电子报” 根据本条框.
The Chinese regime’s mad creation to its east may have finally turned on its master, and it appears that Chinese leaders aren’t ready to accept the fact.
North Korea’s all-girl Moranbong Band was set to hold three invitation-only “friendship performances” 在北京, starting Saturday night. 然而, on the afternoon before the performances, the group went to the Beijing airport where they caught the first flight back to Pyongyang.
North Korea’s actions were allegedly in response to a small Chinese delegation, which was sent to protest a claim from North Korean leader Kim Jong Un last week that he now has a hydrogen bomb.
The Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) Foreign Ministry didn’t seem to take offenseas they likely would have if any other nation pulled such a move. 据路透社报道, its spokesman, Hong Lei, said the CCP still wants cultural exchanges with North Korea, and the shows were cancelled due to “communication issues at the working level.
One of the CCP’s mouthpiece newspapers, 环球时报, published a similar claim, saying the cancellation was a “glitchthat wouldn’t have any long-term effects on the CCP’s ties to North Korea.
The “glitch,” 然而, was just one of many that has taken place recently in the CCP’s relations with North Korea. And in all cases, the CCP’s response has shown a level of muted restraint you’d be hard-pressed to find it showing anywhere else.
North Korea has been on a witch-hunt for Chinese spies. By October, the North Korean National Security Department had allegedly arrested, 囚禁, or executed more than a hundred Chinese nationals.
Some of the Chinese nationals were accused of being spies. Others were accused of illegally spreading videos, supporting “defectors,” working as money carriers, or holding religious activities.
The campaign didn’t end in October, 或. DailyNK, a Seoul-based news source on North Korea, 报道12月. 14 that even the Chinese ambassador to North Korea has been placed under investigation and is being monitored.
North Korea’s campaign against Chinese nationals, it reports, are part of an “emergency investigationin every part of the country.
An unnamed source in North Korea told DailyNK that the campaign may be the Kim regime’s way of striking out at the CCP for getting too close to South Korea.
“Some Party cadres have even speculated that this move will spell the beginning of the end for Sino-North Korean relations,” 它指出.
The response from the Chinese regime has been uncharacteristically mildat least when you consider how it would react if any other nation were to lash out against the CCP in such a manner.
然而, the CCP’s mild response isn’t without reason. North Korea’s dictatorship is a product of Chinese intervention in the Korean War, and to this day the North Korean communist regime is sustained almost entirely by support from the CCP.
According to the Council on Foreign Relations, the CCP is North Korea’s main source of food, 武器, and energy. It states the CCP has helped sustain the regime by opposing “harsh international sanctions on North Korea in the hope of avoiding regime collapse and a refugee influx across their border.
The CCP doesn’t support North Korea out of some benign sense of kinship, 或. If that were the case, you’d likely see the CCP giving similar support and tolerance for its much-less-crazed communist neighbor in Vietnam.
宁, it uses North Korea as a political toolvaluable inside China for propaganda, and valuable outside China as a tool for diplomacy.
在中国, the CCP uses North Korea as a sort of reminder of the pasta preserved image of what China was like in the days of Mao. It reminds the Chinese that things could be worse.
在中国以外, North Korea serves other uses.
When North Korea makes its occasional threat of nuclear holocaust on South Korea, 日本, or elsewhere, the CCP can then approach these countries to help as an intermediary. This in turn, helps the CCP with diplomacyparticularly with South Korea.
然而, it seems that under the hermit regimewhere the drug methamphetamine is “offered as casually as a cup of tea,” according to Los Angeles Timesthe air of paranoia is finally taking its toll.
And just like a drug dealer trapped in the same room with a junkie going through a psychotic episode, the Chinese regime has found itself the target in this latest bout of madness from the very thing it helped create.

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