During a rally joined by thousands of Falun Gong practitiioners at Taipei 23 April 2006, four demonstrators play in an action drama against what they said was the Chinese communists' killing of Falun Gong followers and harvesting of their organs in concentration camps.  (PATRICK LIN/AFP/Getty Images)During a rally joined by thousands of Falun Gong practitiioners at Taipei 23 April 2006, four demonstrators play in an action drama against what they said was the Chinese communists' killing of Falun Gong followers and harvesting of their organs in concentration camps.  (PATRICK LIN/AFP/Getty Images)

“There was bleeding. He was still alive’, Chinese doctor, Enver Tohti, recalled to a panel of experts in Ireland on China’s lucrative practice of organ harvesting from prisoners of conscience.

The Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade, and Defence listened to evidence presented by organ harvesting experts, including David Matas and Ethan Gutmann, who have both been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize for their investigative work in China.

The panel listed a series of recommendations at the committee, including urging the government to ban ‘organ tourism’—a hugely profitable business predominantly abused by China, where citizens travel overseas to receive an organ transplant.

The main body of victims of these organ transplants is from practitioners of Falun Gong—a peaceful, traditional meditation practice whose main tenets are truthfulness, compassion, and tolerance. The Chinese Communist party began a bloody persecution of its practitioners in 1999 that continues to this day.

Hundreds of thousands of practitioners are in the vast network of labor camps across China at any one time and are highly vulnerable to being put on lists for organ extraction.

Organ tourism is already banned in Israel, Taiwan, Italy, and Spain. Gutmann said these countries did so out of a sense of “integrity, a highly-developed sense of tragedy, a historical wisdom to know that the big players, [such as] the U.S. the U.K., may not interfere in a world tragedy.”

Gutmann went on to say that this is a critical moment in a critical time, and now is the time to act.

Dr. Tohti said he performed an organ harvesting operation in the 1990s and thought he was doing his duty to “eliminate the enemy of the state.”

“Every time I give this account it seems like a confession,” he said, before talking to the committee.

He describes how in Chinese society, under communist rule you become a complacent slave, a “fully-programmed member of society, ready to fulfill the task ahead without asking questions.”

In 1995, he said two chief surgeons asked him to prepare a team for “the largest possible surgery” for the next morning.

Tohti and his team were brought outside the hospital and told to wait for gunshots.

“After gunshots were heard, we rushed in. An armed officer directed us to the far-right corner, where I can see a civilian-clothed man lying on the ground with a single bullet wound to his right chest,” Tohti said.

Then he said chief surgeons ordered and guided him to extract the liver and two kidneys. “The man was alive,” he said. The wounded man tried to resist but was too weak.

After signing up for organ transplants outside China, wait times are months to years, depending on the type of organ. But what experts have found is that if the organ was bought in China, a fresh organ can be delivered within days or weeks.

One of the driving factors pushing this organ tourism trade is the high demand for organs.

Tohti described the callous nature of the organ trade in China, referencing terms used on Chinese transplant websites such as “unlimited supply” and “predate for your heart transplantation.”

“It is not acceptable that a normal ‘by-one-get-one-free’ shopping pattern can be seen in organ transplantation,” he said. 

Tohti also mentioned recent reports of free national health check-ups in the Xinjiang region for “improving the quality of life of Uyghurs.”

“We suspect that the CCP is building a national database for organ trade,” he said. Uyghurs are a muslim ethnic minority also targeted for persecution by the CCP and have reportedly also been targeted for organ harvesting.

Gutmann and Matas found that in China there are between “60,000 transplants to 100,000 transplants per year” in a nearly 700-page report they published last year in June.

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January 11, 2017

A ceremony at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on July 1, 2016. (Wang Zhao/AFP/Getty Images)A ceremony at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on July 1, 2016. (Wang Zhao/AFP/Getty Images)

China has the world’s second largest economy and one of the biggest stock exchanges. Modern high-rise skyscrapers dot the skyline in Beijing, Tianjin, and Shanghai. All makes of cars can be found on public roads, and Chinese citizens carry the latest model of smartphones.

Surely the People’s Republic of China is a modern capitalist state and merely communist in name?

The Chinese Communist Party has adopted some aspects of capitalism, but China remains a textbook communist country: The Party controls the commanding heights of the economy and all land; it maintains strict controls on speech, assembly, and belief; and the Chinese regime’s political structure is a classic Leninist dictatorship.

China would not have been able to enjoy stretches of double digit GDP growth in recent years if the Party under paramount leader Deng Xiaoping had not turned away from pure socialism and experimented with economic reform starting in 1978.

Over the decades, the Party slowly relinquished some control over the means of production, and allowed private enterprise and entrepreneurs. The top Chinese leadership now refers to its five-year plans as “guidelines” in recognition that the Party no longer oversees a classic command economy.

But the Party runs what could be termed a “neo command economy.”

State-owned enterprises may make up only 3 percent of all companies in China today, but they produce an estimated 25 to 30 percent of the total industrial output. The Party maintains command over the economy by having top Party officials or family members own several key industries. For instance, Jiang Mianheng, the son of former Party leader Jiang Zemin, is known as China’s “Telecommunications King” due to his sizable interests and control over the industry.

China’s impressive GDP growth figures are widely known to be manipulated. Li Keqiang, the current Chinese premier, told a U.S. official in 2007 that official figures are unreliable and he instead looks at railway cargo volume, electricity consumption, and new loans disbursed by banks to better gauge China’s economic growth.

Many top Chinese businesspeople are Communist Party members who serve on the regime’s rubber stamp legislature or its political advisory body. Part of the reason is a Party policy to co-opt Chinese business elites, but businesspeople join up anyway because Party membership guarantees business advantage.

And in line with textbook Marxist teachings, the Party is the only true landowner in China; the Party leases land to the Chinese people.

Chinese society continues to be tightly controlled by the Party.

The Party employs over two million internet police to censor public opinion, and maintains a powerful internet firewall to keep out the global internet within China’s borders. Population control officers force Chinese women to stick to the state mandated child limit, and carry out forced abortions and sterilizations against women who don’t conform.

Regime dissenters, as well as religious communities and ordinary members of civil society, live under the constant threat of being declared political enemies by the Party and then “invited to tea,” code for being interrogated by dreaded public security officers. Dissidents are abused, tortured, and frequently made to carry out forced labor in detention centers.

The regime secures an almost perfect conviction rate against its political enemies in the courts, which it controls. Prominent dissidents find themselves under house arrest the moment they complete their often lengthy jail stints.

The Chinese constitution guarantees freedom of belief, but the Party ignores its own laws. For instance, former Communist Party general secretary Jiang Zemin forced through the unpopular persecution of the Falun Gong spiritual practice in 1999, and created an extralegal organization to ensure that the regime’s law and security apparatus to carry out Jiang’s policy.

Politically, China is still run by a Leninist Party obsessed with control.  

The Chinese Communist Party has been the only governing political party since 1949; other parties exist under a “united front,” but are not independent of the communists.

The Party’s leader or general secretary doesn’t run a cabinet, and is instead part of a Political Bureau, a collection of top officials that make all the top decisions in the country. He is also handpicked by Party elders and elites, not democratically elected.

These days, the leaders of China may have traded in their grey, five-button, Mandarin-collared Mao suits for dark business suits. But as long as the hammer and sickle remains in the Great Hall of the People, communism hasn’t yet been relegated to the dust heap of history in China.

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Chinese workers weld at a construction site in heavy pollution on Nov. 29, 2014 in Beijing. (Kevin Frayer/Getty Images)Chinese workers weld at a construction site in heavy pollution on Nov. 29, 2014 in Beijing. (Kevin Frayer/Getty Images)

Deng Xiaoping’s 1992 southern tour is generally referred to by official Chinese propaganda as a new starting point of reform. In fact, from the perspective of institutional transition, China’s socialist economic system officially came to an end in 1997, when China began to implement the privatization of state-owned enterprises (SOEs).

SOEs are considered one of the pillars of the socialist economic system. When most SOEs are privatized, the socialist economic system will completely disintegrate because an economic system characterized by private ownership is in fact capitalism.

Cheng Xiaonong (Epoch Weekly)

But interestingly, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is in denial about its privatization policy. Although it actually did take place, the CCP has never admitted that it already completed privatization more than a decade ago. The authorities have covered up privatization with the term “SOE reform,” but deliberately avoided talking about what kind of system they were reformed to. In fact, there were only two possibilities for SOE reform: either complete privatization, turning it into a completely private enterprise, or partial privatization, allowing partial private ownership with the main share owned by the state.

1990s Banking Crisis

There was a reason for the government to choose privatization but deliberately remain vague about it.

Zhu Rongji, China’s premier at the time, took two factors into consideration when making the decision. First, SOEs had become heavy financial burdens for the government, leading the banking system to the verge of collapse. The economic reforms of the Deng Xiaoping era could not resolve the serious problems facing SOEs, which relied unconditionally on state bank loans. However, business conditions deteriorated, and many SOEs ceased to repay their bank loans and even interest payments. From the mid-1990s, a potential banking system financial crisis became increasingly apparent.

In this case, China’s SOE managers became the new owners, basically through illegal means

In the early 1990s, more than 20 percent of loans by four major state-owned banks were bad debts. In 1994, China’s banking industry suffered its first serious nationwide loss. By 1996, seventy percent of overall bank loans had become bad or overdue.

In the second half of 1997, to save the banking system from collapse, the government had to roll out a restructuring plan for SOEs—namely, privatization—to rid itself of most of the more than 10,000 SOEs and their “burden” on the state.

World Trade Organization Requirements

In addition, China was eager to join the WTO to expand exports. But the WTO had the precondition that China must establish a market economy within 15 years, abolish its planned economy, and implement privatization of SOEs. If China could not prove the implementation of SOE privatization, it would not be allowed into the WTO.

Since the government and the media covered up the facts about SOE privatization, people who never worked at SOEs were unaware of the meaning of “SOE reform.” In fact, the so-called “reform” was to allow the privatization of small and medium enterprises and allow large SOEs to be listed on the market for partial privatization.

The authorities let the directors and managers of SOEs implement “restructuring” and layoffs. Any social discontent and anger arising from the reform would thus be transferred to those people instead of to the government. Of course, these directors and managers did not take the blame for nothing; they were handsomely compensated.

The key question in this privatization plot was: who would buy these SOEs? Just as was the case in Russia, directors and managers of Chinese SOE did not have the millions or hundreds of millions in savings to acquire businesses, and foreign capital played a minimal role in the SOE privatization process. In this case, China’s SOE managers became the new owners, basically through illegal means.

Workers construct an oil rig in Daqing, Heilongjiang province on May 2, 2016. (Nocolas Asfour/AFP/Getty Images)

Cover-up

This is the reason why the Chinese government has not allowed domestic researchers to study the process of SOE privatization, and Chinese media simply does not report the truth.

Ironically, despite being a forbidden topic for Chinese media and researchers, it is open to outside researchers. Foreign researchers, through international organizations such as the World Bank, could enter China freely and conduct nationwide sample surveys on SOE ownership status after privatization. Over the past decade, those researchers have published a number of books in English on the results of China’s privatization. However, none of these books were translated or published in China.

The Chinese government allowed foreign researchers to study SOE ownership in order to provide information on the progress of privatization in China to the World Bank and other international organizations and to pave the way for China’s entry into the WTO.

Since privatization of China’s SOEs has already been revealed to the world, the Chinese government’s attitude inside China can only be called self-deception.

Dr. Cheng Xiaonong is a scholar of China’s politics and economics, based in New Jersey. He is a graduate of Renmin University, where he obtained his Masters degree in economics, and Princeton University, where he obtained his doctorate in sociology. In China, Cheng was a policy researcher and aide to former Party leader Zhao Ziyang, when Zhao was premier. Cheng has been a visiting scholar at the University of Gottingen, Germany and at Princeton, and served as chief editor of the journal Modern China Studies. His commentaries and columns regularly appear in overseas Chinese media.

See the first essay here.

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This narrative, edited and abridged, is a recollection of the open yet orderly atmosphere that characterized three weeks in May 1989 when Beijing enjoyed a brief respite from Party control. Author Chen Gang, a college student during the iconic events, recalls his personal experience from the student demonstrations that involved millions of people.
There are concerns that China, removed from the one-Party state’s dominance, would suffer great chaos. As a matter of fact, we in Beijing enjoyed some twenty days of peace and order in the spring and summer of 1989—outside the grip of the Chinese Communist Party.
Starting May 13 of that year, college students from many of the Chinese capital’s institutions flocked to Tiananmen Square to take part in the demonstrations and hunger strike in support of human rights and to protest the corruption of Party officials. Ordinary residents as well as students, spontaneously joined in the events, making a peak of of three million people across Beijing.
It was from this day on that the Communist Party began to lose control, and anarchy seemed to loom over the capital.
Spontaneous Order at Tiananmen
At the time, I was a junior in college. On May 16, I went with my fellow students and professors to Tiananmen to support those on hunger strike. Every day, thousands upon thousands of Beijingers of different class backgrounds swarmed into the square or marched in parades around the area.
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The police—those managing traffic, public security officers, and military police—had all left their posts at Tiananmen and in the general vicinity. But there was no chaos at all. Rather, students simply occupied the empty positions to maintain order. I was at the square every day, and I neither saw nor heard of any theft or violence.
To support the students, people from all over the capital sent a wide variety of food, drink, and other goods to the square. The supplies piled up in mountains. We immediately began a sincere effort to share the responsibilities of distribution. As firstcomers, we did not abuse our privilege. We instead handed out the food and supplies to others before seeing to our own needs. And those who came took just what they needed.
Hundreds of thousands of Chinese gathering in Tiananmen Square demanding democracy despite martial law in Beijing on June 2, 1989. (Catherine Henriette/AFP/Getty Images)
It was an emotional moment: I had never expected that the communist slogan of “Assign the abundant material goods to the people according to their need” would be first realized there at a Tiananmen Square—freed of the Party organization.
The patriotism of the students’ movement was a great motivator. The people set aside their selfishness and put their hearts to the future of the state and our nation. Among the students were no lack of beautiful girls from around the country. I was very young and without a girlfriend, and indeed there were many opportunities for me to find a like-minded young woman there on the square. Yet, for fear of blaspheming this great patriotic undertaking, I dared not be moved by any personal desires. I never asked the names or hometowns of those pretty girls standing next to me side by side.
Without the Party
On May 20, seeing power and personal privilege slipping from their hands, the Communist Party leadership declared martial law. Hundreds of thousands of soldiers from the People’s Liberation Army were deployed outside Beijing and prepared to suppress the students and “resume normal order” despite the fact that it had never been lost and that the millions of Beijing residents were working and living in peace.
And it was with peaceful disobedience that hundreds of thousands of people blocked the People’s Liberation Army formations marching into the capital from all directions. The Beijing government, all but paralyzed, fell out of Party control. The capital’s higher institution set up autonomous students’ and workers’ associations, all without Party leaders.
Beijing magistrates in their court uniforms join workers demonstrating in Beijing streets on May 18, 1989, in support of student hunger strikers gathered at Tiananmen Square. (Catherine Henriette/AFP/Getty Images)
Fully-armed soldiers arriving in combat vehicles were at a loss when they saw what the capital looked like. On May 21, I went to the Gucheng Street in Shijingshan District, which was near my home. I saw only a long column of military vehicles snaking through the street, stopped in place by a human chain of residents.
The troops had been fooled by the authorities, who claimed that there was “turmoil in Beijing” and that order needed to be restored. Locals surrounding the soldiers spoke to them about the truth of the circumstances, that the students were protesting against corruption, that Beijing was in good order, and that the PLA was not needed to restore anything. The only request was for the patriotic students and citizens to be spared bloodshed.
Everywhere the people of the capital used their bodies to halt the army vehicles. The words of a middle-aged lady stuck in my mind: “Why doesn’t the United Nations send peacekeeping forces to protect us here in Beijing?”
Pro-democracy demonstrators applaud students from Beijing University standing on People’s Liberation Army (PLA) armored personnel carriers in Beijing on May 21, 1989, trying to convince the soldiers to defy the Martial Law which was proclaimed the previous day. (Catherine Henriette/AFP/Getty Images)
No police, military police, or soldiers occupied Beijing proper or its outskirts. The capital was simply out of the Communist Party’s domain. Not wanting to give the authorities any excuse to suppress the demonstrations, the students cooperated to institute a meticulous regime of social law and order, starting with directing traffic.
At that time, there was no “riot,” and even thieves renounced stealing. Beijing police statistics showed a visible decrease in all crimes during those events. Traffic accidents reached an all-time low. Commercial activity continued without interruption.
Pro-democracy demonstrators surround a truck carrying People’s Liberation Army soldiers on their way to Tiananmen Square in Beijing on May 20, 1989. (Catherine Henriette/AFP/Getty Images)
Common Hopes
Normally, under the Party’s

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NEW YORK—Nearly 10,000 people from 53 countries gathered near the United Nations at Dag Hammarskjold Park on May 13, in a rally supporting Tuidang, a large grassroots movement in which Chinese people renounce their affiliation or support with the Chinese Communist Party.
“China, without communism, is good for the stability of the Chinese society and the peace of the world,” said Yi Rong, organizer of the rally and president of the Tuidang Center, a non-profit organization that solicits and catalogues the renunciation statements. “This rally is to support those who have cut ties with the Chinese regime.”
In addition to Yi Rong, the rally featured speeches by Alan Adler, chair of Friends of Falun Gong, and Manyan Ng of the German International Human Rights Association. A Taiwanese human rights lawyer and the heads of the Falun Dafa Associations in both Taiwan and Hong Kong also spoke. Falun Dafa, most commonly known as Falun Gong, is a traditional Chinese practice of meditation; the Associations of the practice in various countries are voluntary groups that coordinate the public activities of practitioners.
The movement to quit, or renounce, the Chinese Communist Party, called ‘Tuidang’ in Chinese, began shortly after the Chinese-language Epoch Times published the editorial series “Nine Commentaries on the Communist Party.” The series aimed to shed light on the use of violence and propaganda as key tools of Party rule since the founding of the regime.
David Tompkins, spokesperson of the Tuidang Center. (Frank Fang/Epoch Times)
The Tuidang movement, instead of calling for revolution or protests, “is about persuading Chinese people, one at a time, to understand that what they have experienced is indoctrination, and that the path to freedom for them is to quit the Party,” said David Tompkins, the spokesman for the Tuidang Center.
“We are not against the Chinese people, we are actually for the Chinese people,” he added.
The organization holds a rally annually in May, coinciding with the celebration of Falun Dafa Day on May 13. Tompkins believed the number of Chinese people who have renounced the Party, currenting standing at 237 million, will reach 240 million within a couple of months. The daily number of people quitting is 115,000, he said.
The numbers are based on the figure of renunciation statements registered at tuidang.dajiyuan.com (dajiyuan is the Chinese version of this newspaper) and is publicly verifiable. Tompkins says that volunteers at the Tuidang Center vet the statements received for their veracity.
One of the participants who took place in the rally was Pan Kaixiang, former assistant psychology professor from China’s Zhejiang University, who came to United States a year ago, after quitting the Party in 2005. He was thrown in jail because he was a practitioner of Falun Gong, a spiritual practice that has been the target of persecution by the Chinese regime since July 1999.
Pan Kaixiang, former psychology assistant professor in China. (Frank Fang/Epoch Times)
Pan decided to come to support the rally because he believed the Tuidang movement was a sign of “spiritual awakening of the Chinese people, as well as moral awakening.” Pan said that his greatest trauma while in prison was how the regime tried to “change his free-will and soul” with lies, threats, and brainwashing.
A highlight of the rally was when four men and two women stepped to the podium and announced their withdrawals from the Chinese Communist Party.
“I believe the Chinese Communist Party not only pollutes the environment, but it’s behind the greatest pollution of all—the pollution of people’s spiritual environment,” said Jiang Yu from Heilongjiang Province. “Falun Dafa, on the other hand, precisely solves this spiritual pollution.”
The practice teaches slow-moving meditative exercises as well as the principles of truthfulness, compassion and tolerance.
In an interview with New York-based New Tang Dynasty Television (NTD), Jiang said that he often used Freegate to access the websites of Epoch Times and NTD, both of which are censored in China. Freegate is an anti-censorship software that allows users to circumvent China’s Great Firewall.

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The bidding war to acquire Starwood Hotels intensified after Chinese insurer Anbang raised its offer on Monday, March 28. The new offer is likely to threaten Marriott’s merger plan with Starwood.
Starwood Hotels & Resorts Worldwide, Inc. (NYSE: HOT) announced on Monday that it received a revised non-binding offer from the consortium led by Anbang Insurance Group. The offer is likely to lead to a “superior proposal” and allow Starwood to engage in discussions with the consortium, according to the company’s press release.
The consortium revised its bid to $82.75 per share in cash, an increase from the $78 per share proposal made on March 18. This tops Marriott’s latest bid on March 21, which was valued at $79.53 (in cash and stock). 
Anbang’s new offer raised the value of Starwood to $14 billion, Marriott’s offer was $13.6 billion.
Marriott International, Inc.(NASDAQ: MAR) reaffirmed its commitment to acquire Starwood on Monday and stated: “The combined company will offer stockholders significant equity upside and greater long-term value driven by a larger global footprint, wider choice of brands for consumers, substantial revenue synergies, and improved economics to owners and franchisees leading to accelerated global growth and continued strong returns.” 
In its statement, Marriott also questioned Anbang’s ability to finance the transaction and get the necessary regulatory approvals: 
“Starwood stockholders should give serious consideration to the question of whether the Anbang-led consortium will be able to close the proposed transaction, with a particular focus on the certainty of the consortium’s financing and the timing of any required regulatory approvals.” 
Starwood, the owner of St. Regis, W, Westin, and Sheraton brands, will have to pay Marriott $450 million to break up the merger arrangement. 
Both Marriott and Starwood announced they had agreed to merge in a cash and stock deal that would value Starwood at $12.2 billion last November. Both companies signed an amended merger agreement after Mariott sweetened its bid for Starwood on March 21, valuing the company at $13.6 billion. 
The merger, if it still goes through, would create the world’s largest hotel company. Marriott is confident it can achieve $250 million in annual cost synergies within two years after closing the Starwood deal.
After the news on Monday, shares of Starwood rose 2 percent, to $83.78. And shares of Marriott rose 3.93 percent, to $71.34.
(Google Finance)
Other consortium members acting together with Anbang in the Starwood deal are the two private equity firms J.C. Flowers & Co. and Primavera Capital Limited.
Founded in 2004, Anbang made a surprising move in the United States last year by acquiring New York City’s Waldorf Astoria Hotel. The company has aggressively taken billions out of China and invested them in insurance companies in the United States, Belgium, the Netherlands, and South Korea. 
It also offered $6.5 billion to buy Strategic Hotels & Resorts Inc., which owns several high-end properties including the JW Marriott Essex House in New York and Hotel Del Coronado in San Diego.
The Waldorf Astoria Hotel in Midtown East in Manhattan on Oct. 6, 2014. (AP Photo/Mark Lennihan)
Recent Deals May Attract Scrutiny
Given Anbang’s ties to the Chinese Communist Party, such transactions present security issues.
There is plenty of reason for controversy. The chairman of Anbang, Wu Xiaohui, is the grandson-in-law of the former leader of the Chinese Communist Party, Deng Xiaoping.
One of Anbang’s consultants is Chen Xiaolu, founder of the Red Guard Police Corps during the time of Mao Zedong’s Cultural Revolution, who had previously admitted he was part of the torture and persecution of teachers during the Cultural Revolution. His father was one of the communist regime’s founding generals.
Anbang’s $1.95 billion acquisition of the iconic Waldorf Astoria Hotel last year, attracted scrutiny from the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS), which reviews deals over possible national security concerns, but was eventually approved. According to experts, CFIUS will also take a look at Anbang’s latest activities. 

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A party of Chinese men and women upset local diners at a restaurant in Seoul’s Myeongdong District by engaging in lewd sexual behavior at the table. The group ignored complaints about the disturbance and eventually had to be reseated.
In attendance at the Feb. 23 dinner were three Chinese diplomats stationed in Korea, including Consul Wang Xianmin, South Korea’s JTBC Television reported on Feb. 26.
How can such people represent their country as diplomats?— Korean netizen

The party, numbering over a dozen people, had devolved into a drunken din. Several of the men made obscene contact with the women sitting around them, and their moans were audible throughout the restaurant.
“In addition to kissing, caressing, and men burying their faces in female bosoms … some of the women sat in the men’s laps,” ChinaGate, a major overseas Chinese-language news outlet, reported.  
Heavily censored screenshots from video taken at the scene. (Images via JTBC)
MORE:Chinese Woman, Pregnant With a Girl, Dies After 9th Abortion Because Her Mother-in-Law Wants a Grandson

About thirty other customers were in the restaurant, including high school girls and young children.
One witness interviewed by JTBC saw a woman in the party wearing the torso piece of a traditional Korean dress.
The licentiousness spilled into the restroom when a man and woman went in there together in an intoxicated state, a high school girl at the restaurant said. The couple’s sounds of ecstasy could be heard from outside, she told JTBC.
MORE:5 Reasons Why North Korea Is a Terrible Ally for ChinaChinese Official Says Disneyland Will Destroy Chinese Culture
The party was reseated after complaints from other customers at the family restaurant. Staff said that the party had come from the Chinese embassy.
According to the JTBC report, Consul Wang Xianmin is an expert with over ten years in Sino-Korean relations, while the other two are lesser diplomats stationed at the embassy.
Koreans were enraged by the reports, which soon made it to the top of web traffic lists on Duam, a major Korean net portal. Internet users left 1,700 comments within four hours of the JTBC broadcast.  
Already-weak ties between China and South Korea could only suffer from the scandalous incident, the JTBC report said.
“How can such people represent their country as diplomats?” one angry netizen wrote. “They humiliate their own nation and won’t gain any respect from other countries.”
“These diplomats of the Chinese Communist Party are on the same level as hoodlums, the restaurant boss should have reported this to the police,” another said. “To have this sort of promiscuous behavior in a restaurant is sin.”
This is a common occurrence in China, there’s nothing special about it.— Chinese netizen

“High in position, low in nature,” said one user with regard to the diplomats.
Chinese netizen reactions were mixed. Some expressed shame at the incident, while others rebuked the Koreans.
“Why have the Korean gooks suddenly become so conservative?” one slur-slinging Chinese user wrote. “This is a common occurrence in China, there’s nothing special about it.”
A more critical comment goes: “You’re a diplomat in a foreign country but you can’t control the lower half of your body. How about you do surgery and become a eunuch first?”
One lampooned the communist system by parodying the iconic propaganda song “The East Is Red.” “The Communist Party has undergone highly advanced sexual education and has a powerful libido. They’ll do it wherever they go. The Communist Party is like the sun, shining wherever it goes.”
“This incident tells us that when barbarian lowlifes hold power, they make a huge mess around the world,” a Korean web user wrote. “The Korean authorities and common citizens should all realize this.”
It’s not the first time Chinese embassy staff have been in the media spotlight by unwelcome behavior in Korea. In May 2008, a worker at the Chinese consulate in the city of Gwangju was stopped by police when he caused an accident while driving drunk. He was detained after he tried to kick the officers.
MORE:Efforts Made to Block Shen Yun in South Korea’s CapitalCHINA TRANSLATED: ‘Party Spirit Extinguished, Human Side Running Amok’

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NEW YORK—Every year a wide variety of community groups come together to celebrate the Chinese New Year in Chinatown, Flushing. A colorful procession of floats and performers—drummers, lion dancers, celestial maidens—move through the streets. But for the last few years, a group focused only on inciting hatred has also made its presence known—and according to secretly-recorded footage, they get paid for it.
“We’re the Huasheng Marching Band,” says a man in a secretly recorded audio last week. “We get paid $100 up front when we arrive to take part, and then another $10 for food. We get paid every year. If we didn’t get paid, are we going to come out? We come and play a bit for money, then go home.”
The band accompanied the Chinese Anti-Cult World Alliance, which dressed in red and focused on harassing practitioners of Falun Gong, during the New Year parade on Feb. 13. Falun Gong is a traditional spiritual practice that has been persecuted in China since 1999. CACWA is widely suspected of having close ties with the Chinese consulate in New York, part of whose mission it is to suppress the voice of groups that are deemed dissident by the Chinese authorities.
Falun Gong practitioners, who raise awareness about the abuse, torture, and organ harvesting against them in China, are one of the major targets for China’s diplomatic outposts. The practice itself involves performing five exercises and adhering to the principles of truthfulness, compassion, and tolerance. It is believed to have become a target by the Chinese state in the late 1990s because of the number of people practicing it, and their independence from the regime’s control.
Falun Gong practitioners take part in the Chinese Lunar New Year parade in Flushing, Queens, N.Y., on Feb. 13, 2016. (Benjamin Chasteen/Epoch Times)
The use of astroturfing techniques—deploying groups that appear to have no relation to the government, but which are in fact supported by the Party, and push a Party-line—is a well-known modus operandi of the Chinese Communist Party. Such techniques have been used expertly by the Party since the Civil War years in the 1930s and 1940s in China. In 2008 the Chinese consular general, Peng Keyu, was caught in a secretly-recorded telephone call boasting about how he had organized angry mobs to besiege Falun Gong on the streets of Flushing.
New Tang Dynasty Television, an independent Chinese-language broadcaster based in New York City, made the secret recording of the Huasheng band member this year. Huasheng is one of China’s official bands based in the United States, according to another secretly recorded interview by NTD last year.
The NTD reporter even followed the band members, and the CACWA group, as they bundled out of the cold and into a large Chinatown restaurant for their lunch banquet.
“Is everyone here? Once everyone is here I will pass out the tickets. Those who are with us, find your own seats. Then tell me the number of people at your table, and I will pass out the tickets,” said Li Huahong, the organizer of the group, in undercover footage recorded on Feb. 13. It was not made explicit in her public statements, but it seemed that the tickets were exchangeable for either cash or the meal.
A still from the New Tang Dynasty Television report showing Li Huahong and members of her group at a restaurant in Flushing, Chinatown. Li is heard calling out instructions for participants to receive their “tickets.” (NTD)
Li has gained a reputation for her virulent propaganda against Falun Gong, which largely copies the official anti-Falun Gong propaganda spread in China by the Communist Party. One of the Party’s most well-known lines is to compare practitioners of Falun Gong to vermin, or a threat to public security who must be struggled against and eliminated.
In March 2013, 13 New Yorkers filed a lawsuit accusing members and supporters of CACA of violating the freedom of belief of those who practice Falun Gong (11 of the plaintiffs are adherents of the discipline). Days before the parade in Flushing this year, the United States District Court for the Eastern District of New York released a 28-page decision rejecting the motion, filed by counsel for Li Huahong, to dismiss the case.
“I have always said that what the Chinese Communist Party has committed against Falun Gong is genocide,” said Ye Ning, a human rights lawyer in the United States, in an interview with NTD.  “The so-called Anti-Cult Alliance is purely an expansion of the Party’s genocide overseas.”

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The Chinese regime may be changing its policy on nuclear weapons, from one based on “survivability” to one that has its missiles ready to launch at any moment.
Recent discussions in the Chinese military “suggest pressure is building to change China’s nuclear posture,” says a new report from the Union of Concerned Scientists.
It may be moving, the report says, “toward a policy of launch-on-warning and hair-trigger alert.”
As the report notes, the United States “keeps hundreds of nuclear weapons on hair-trigger alert.” But if China were to change its policy, it would make the threat of nuclear war more present.
“Such a change would dramatically increase the risk of a nuclear exchange or accident—a dangerous shift that the United States could help avert,” it states.
There has been a chain of incidents leading to the alleged shift.
In 2012, the leader of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Xi Jinping, gave a speech on nuclear policy, and its nuclear troops were told to “maintain a high alert level … assuring that if something happens we’re ready to go.”
In 2013, an updated text on Chinese military strategy, which the report says the Union of Concerned Scientists partially translated, said China’s nuclear forces would move towards a “launch-on-warning” posture.
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It says that these examples, along with others, “suggest that a domestic conversation about raising the alert level of China’s nuclear forces is taking place.”
The report warns that if China adopts a hair-trigger policy for nuclear launch, it would increase the “risk of an accidental, mistaken, or unauthorized nuclear launch, as evidenced by dozens of close calls in the United States, Russia, and former Soviet Union.”
“Technical and human errors are especially likely early on, as radar and satellite warning systems are developed,” it states.

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The anti-corruption campaign of Chinese Communist Party leader Xi Jinping is entering its fourth year. Tens of thousands of CCP officials having been investigated, and several of those who formerly were some of the most powerful men in China having been purged and convicted. On Jan. 12, the first high-ranking official of 2016 was convicted and sentenced.
News reports in the West of the conviction of former Vice Minister of Public Security Li Dongsheng focused on the 15-year sentence he received for bribery. But the coverage of Li’s trial in China revealed much more, suggesting the current leadership regards the persecution of Falun Gong to be the work of the faction loyal to Jiang Zemin.
From the beginning, the charges against Li Dongsheng for corruption have been tied to his role in persecuting Falun Gong.
The charges for corruption against former Public Security Vice Minister Li Dongsheng have been tied to his role in persecuting Falun Gong.

In December 2013, when the official website of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection announced the investigation of Li Dongsheng, it used three of his titles: vice head of the Central Leading Group for the Prevention and Handling of Cult-Related Issues; head of the office of the Leading Group, a.k.a. the 610 Office; and vice minister of Public Security.
That was the first time that Chinese authorities officially admitted the existence of the leading group and its 610 Office, which was established on June 10, 1999 by then Party leader Jiang Zemin to eliminate the spiritual practice of Falun Gong. The exposure of the name of that secret agency strongly suggested that Li Dongsheng’s real crime was somehow linked to it.
When Li Dongsheng was sentenced, the only title mentioned in the report by state news agency Xinhua was vice minister of Public Security, but on the same day the business magazine Caixin put Li’s crimes back in the context of his role in persecuting Falun Gong.
Li Dongsheng, former head of the secret police task force the 610 Office, in the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on Oct. 14, 2007. (Frederic J. Brown/AFP/Getty Images)
‘Sharp Weapon’
Caixin has played a special role in China over the last three years. It regularly publishes news that seems to come straight from inside Zhongnanhai, the Party’s leadership compound. Given its scoops on the anti-corruption campaign, the magazine is widely assumed to have a close relationship with the head of that effort, Wang Qishan. Caixin is also rumored to be close to Party leader Xi Jinping.
Caixin magazine has played a special role in China over the last three years. … It is also rumored to be close to Party leader Xi Jinping.

Caixin’s article bore the headline, “Zhou Yongkang’s Trusted Aide, Former Vice Minister of Public Security Li Dongsheng Sentenced 15 Years in His First Trial.” In 2009, Li was promoted to head of the 610 Office and vice head of the leading group, as well as to the position of deputy minister of Public Security. One paragraph mentions Li’s two titles related to persecuting Falun Gong, and then states that Li was formally promoted to be a high ranking ministry level official and thus became “Zhou Yongkang’s sharp weapon” in October 2009.
The phrase ‘Zhou Yongkang’s sharp weapon’ is very interesting.

The phrase “Zhou Yongkang’s sharp weapon” is very interesting. No law authorizes the persecution Li carried out. Instead, it is the Party’s political campaign. When Li Dongsheng took the positions in the leading group and its 610 Office, he should have been considered the weapon of the Party, not of Zhou Yongkang.
When Jiang Zemin started the campaign against Falun Gong, he was the paramount leader of the Party and the Party as a whole joined the campaign. During that period, Jiang and the Party were the same. Whoever in the Party leadership that did not actively join the persecution was the exception, and thus only represented himself or herself, not the Party.
When Jiang Zemin partially retired in 2002 and fully retired in 2004, there were subtle changes in how the Party was run that weakened the authority of Party head, increased the autonomy of individual Party leaders, and gave Jiang Zemin continued influence over the direction of the Party. The number of Standing Committee members of the Politburo—the most powerful body in the Party—increased to nine. The additional members were loyal to Jiang, and, combined with those incumbent members who were also loyal to him, gave Jiang a preponderant influence.
Zhou Yongkang, formerly the Chinese Communist Party Politburo Standing Committee member in charge of security, sits in a courtroom at the First Intermediate People’s Court of Tianjin in Tianjin, China, on June 11, 2015. Zhou was sentenced to life in prison. (CCTV via AP)
In addition to increasing the size of the Committee, Jiang decided that each member was only in charge of his own portfolio and nobody should have veto power over others. Luo Gan, and Zhou Yongkang, who replaced Luo in 2007, became the Standing Committee members charged with carrying out the persecution, and the new arrangements gave them a free hand.
The hidden message of the Caixin article referring to “Zhou Yongkang’s sharp weapon” is that Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao, the top two leaders at the time, were not responsible for the persecution.
Conspiracy
In June 2015, Zhou Yongkang was sentenced to life in prison for three crimes: receiving bribes, abuse of power, and leaking state secrets. But these charges do not comprehend all of his crimes or even the worst of his crimes. His actual crimes may be divided into at least three parts: corruption, conspiracy against Xi Jinping (now alluded to in the official press as non-organizational political activities), and the persecution of Falun Gong and other religious groups.
Caixin’s article implies that Li Dongsheng’s corruption and persecution of Falun Gong were related to Zhou Yongkang. Does Caixin also imply Li was a weapon in Zhou’s conspiracy?
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In June 2012, Bloomberg published an exclusive exposé of the

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In the name of “maintaining social security,” the Chinese regime spends billions of dollars to bolster its security apparatus every year. However, despite this exorbitant expenditure, the authorities in Beijing still don’t think its residents adequately safe from supposedly dangerous ideologies.
At a Jan. 13 press conference, the Beijing Municipal Public Security Bureau lauded the accomplishments of four groups of district security volunteers, and publicly unveiled a fifth group, the Online Police Volunteers.
Established in 2014, the 3,000-member strong Online Police Volunteers is comprised of mainly youngsters—80 percent are born after 1980s—and people from all walks of life, according to People’s Net, the online version of state mouthpiece People’s Daily. Volunteers are responsible for scouring the Chinese Internet for “criminal leads,” assisting the police with Internet censorship and cybersecurity, and reporting Internet users who “spread rumors.”
Citizen public security volunteers serve as the Chinese Communist Party’s eyes and ears on the ground, monitoring and spying on their fellow citizens. Far from stabilizing society, Chinese Internet users and observers suggest that the presence of these informants only generates friction between the Chinese people and the communist regime.
Many Chinese Internet users reacted angrily to the unveiling of the Online Police Volunteers on Sina Weibo, a popular microblogging website.
The new volunteer security group “will soon themselves become the targets of social harmony and stability,” wrote Internet user “Adil—–” in a post. Other Internet users likened the group to “criminal accomplices,” “Nazi thugs,” and even “modern-day Red Guards.”
The Red Guards were impressionable Chinese youth in the 1960s mobilized by Mao Zedong to attack “counterrevolutionaries”—the Communist Party’s political enemies—and destroy traditional Chinese culture during the tumultuous decade of the Cultural Revolution.
The strong online reaction can in part be explained by a recently enacted Chinese legislation that targets the so-called “spreading of rumors.” As of Nov. 1, 2015, those found guilty of rumor mongering face up to seven years in prison.
The establishing of informant groups is an attempt by the Chinese authorities to get the “masses to struggle against each other,” said Xu Lin, a human rights activist from the southern Chinese city of Guangzhou, to international broadcaster Radio Free Asia (RFA). He adds that the Chinese authorities wouldn’t be able to effectively intimidate the millions of Chinese netizens with their relatively scant volunteer online citizen police.
But the mere presence of citizen informants definitely deepens the rift between the regime and the people, Chinese blogger Ye Du told RFA in an interview.
“It’s like having a sword of Damocles hanging over head—anyone can be reported anytime.”

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A Chinese husband and wife whose experience of separation and persecution has extended over nearly a decade were hauled into a courtroom again recently. Once again, they faced a kangaroo court and highly politicized charges.
The romantic and tragic saga of the couple—who were married while the man, Zhou Xiangyang, was in a detention center—has previously been documented by Amnesty International and other human rights organizations. After their marriage in 2009, Zhou and Li Shanshan, his wife, have only been able to meet for brief snatches of time before one or the other of them is again taken away by police and detained.
On Nov. 30, the two were together again, in the Tianjin Dongli District Court. They were being accused of having “undermined the law” by practicing Falun Gong, a traditional discipline of self-cultivation which includes exercises and the moral teachings of truthfulness, compassion, and tolerance, and for raising awareness about the persecution of the practice.
Since July 1999 Falun Gong has been marked for elimination by the Chinese Communist Party, after a decision to launch a nationwide campaign by former Party leader Jiang Zemin.
Zhou and Li had been held in a detention center in the eastern Chinese city of Tianjin since March, after police raided their home and arrested them for possessing Falun Gong material, according to Minghui.org, a clearinghouse for information about the persecution of Falun Gong. Such material typically includes the Falun Gong teachings and flyers and CD-ROMs about the abuses of those who practice it in China.
The Chinese regime’s persecution of Zhou Xiangyang and Li Shanshan was picked up by Amnesty International in 2011. (Screen shot/Amnesty International)
As is typical in similar cases, where the court system is used to enforce a political decision, the trial was marked by irregularities.
The defendants, for instance, were absent legal counsel, after one of their lawyers was prevented from arriving due to heavy smog, and the other resigned in protest at the judge’s peremptory decision not to suspend the trial because of the absence of his colleague.
Zhou and Li were also unable to defend themselves, forced to respond only with a “yes” or a “no” to the hectoring questions of the judge. The judge, Zhang Yaling, was also observed to be wearing a telephone headpiece, raising the question of whether he was receiving instructions from a third party.
Judge Zhang concluded the trial in 30 minutes, after the couple’s cellphones containing Falun Gong information were held up as evidence. The verdict has not been released yet; Chinese courts typically pass sentence within two months, though an appeal, lodged by lawyer Li Zhongwei on Dec. 22, is now in process, which may delay or alter the conclusion of the case.
Saga of Separation
The love story of Zhou Xiangyang and Li Shanshan’s is the stuff of a tragic drama, or perhaps a live example of the Chinese folktale in which a pair of star-crossed lovers are permitted by Heaven to only meet once a year.
The Tianjin couple had met only briefly, on three occasions, before Zhou was arrested by police for telling others about Falun Gong in May 2003. He sentenced to prison for nine years, beginning in August 2004. Speaking about the persecution of Falun Gong publicly, or handing out information regarding the Chinese regime’s violent abuses of practitioners, may be considered criminal offenses in China and punished with either jail time or years in a forced labor camp.
Having learned about Zhou’s detention through his family and friends—Zhou was verbally abused, beaten unconscious, and shocked with electric batons in a forced labor camp—Li grew to sympathize and admire him.
In the winter of 2004, she decided to visit Zhou at Tianjin’s Gangbei Prison. However, after spending an hour on a bus and walking half an hour in heavy snowfall to get there, she was rebuffed at the gates by prison guards. Only relatives were allowed in, they said.
Sitting outside the gates and staring at the empty, reed-strewn lands around the prison, Li grew despondent.
“I felt that this world was colder than the winter itself. Xiangyang just wanted to live by truthfulness, compassion, and tolerance. He did not commit any crime,” Li wrote in an account on Minghui.org, a Falun Gong website.
On the spur of the moment, Li asked the prison officers to marry the two of them. She request startled them: usually, the only marriage-related requests received by such men were requests for divorce from spouses whose families had been shattered by the Party’s ceaseless campaign of persecution. They finally relented and let her see him as fiance—after she persisted in her request for five months.
The couple were finally married in October 2009, two months after Zhou was released from detention on medical parole.
Like the lovers in the Chinese folktale, however, they didn’t stay together for long.
In March 2011, they were again detained by the authorities. Because the two were well-liked by local residents, and their story had been passed around locally, over 7,000 Chinese signed a petition demanding the couple’s release. This an unusual feat given the relentless campaign of vilification carried out by the Party’s propaganda organs since the beginning of the anti-Falun Gong campaign.
A sample of the petitions signed by regular Chinese citizens in Tianjin calling on the Chinese authorities to release Falun Gong practitioner couple Zhou Xiangyang and Li Shanshan. (Epoch Times)
The efforts of the couple’s parents were also moving. Zhou Xiangyang’s father, a burly man from the countryside, would walk around with a white smock upon which he had written the tale of his son’s persecution. In 2012, the parents drove a tractor to the prison compound, on which they had hung banners of protest, and passed three cold nights under it, until security forces arrested them and put the elderly couple in a re-education center.
In December 2011, Amnesty International released an urgent appeal calling for the release of Zhou Xiangyang and Li Shanshan, and the persecution of the couple became known internationally.
The couple found freedom in 2012—until this March. Whether they will be separated again will be decided by Judge Zhang, who

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With their tenets for daily living of truthfulness compassion, and tolerance, thousands of Falun Gong practitioners from around the world, in yellow T-shirts emblazoned with “Falun Dafa is Good,” take to the streets of major U.S. cities a couple of days each year. Rallies and parades are held, politicians contacted, and flyers are handed out to help raise public awareness and consciousness. These efforts started when the Chinese Communist Party began persecuting 100 million Falun Gong practitioners on July 20, 1999.
Not too long ago, the response to this type of persecution had the potential to result in trade sanctions, robust talks in the United Nations human rights committee, support on Capital Hill, and major media coverage. The situation certainly warrants it. Yet many countries have found they are in an economic dance with China, which may cause major players to sit on the sidelines.
For the last 16 years, tireless efforts have been made to educate and move the hearts of the public. These have been carried out by the individual efforts by thousands upon thousands of Falun Gong practitioners, both inside and outside of China, as well as a handful of investigators who have compiled books or created grassroots documentaries.
For the last 16 years, Falun Gong practitioners have been working tirelessly to educate the public on the atrocities perpetrated by the Chinese regime.

Such efforts have been rewarded in the past. Modern history has shown that nonviolent means have resulted in what had appeared to be the impossible: establishing the independence of India in 1947, and the toppling of communism—the Berlin Wall in 1987, and USSR (communist Russia) in 1991.
The most recent grassroots events organized by Falun Gong practitioners was held in Los Angeles and its surrounding communities on Oct. 14 through 16, 2015. With permit in hand for public assembly, the yellow T-shirt wearers delivered their message—specifically that the persecution of Falun Gong in China is severe, massive, and includes the Communist Party sanctioning of organ transplants from live Falun Gong practitioners. This business is known as Transplant Tourism.
Transplant Tourism in China
Transplant Tourism is murder on demand for an organ purchased by someone who then travels to China for a transplant operation. It is a big money maker for the Chinese military and for private hospitals, explains investigators and Nobel Prize nominees, David Matas, an international human rights attorney, and David Kilgour, the former Canadian secretary of state for Asia-Pacific.
Evidence about forced organ harvesting in China on prisoners of conscience has mounted ever since Matas and Kilgour published their first investigative report in 2006. They concluded that the vast majority of the victim pool comes not from death row prisoners but from prisoners of conscience—primarily Falun Gong, who are also the largest group in China’s prison systems.
In the 2006 report, Matas called this systematic forced organ harvesting by the Chinese Communist Party “a new form of evil we have yet to see on this planet.”
Dr. Dana Churchill, a board member of Doctors Against Forced Organ Harvesting, at a public park rally in Los Angeles on Oct. 15, 2015. (Cat Rooney/Epoch Times)
Dr. Dana Churchill, one of the founding board members of Doctors Against Forced Organ Harvesting (DAFOH), a not for profit organization based in Washington, D.C., spoke at the rallies in Los Angeles and Santa Monica beach in October.
“The world has never seen more horrific and barbaric crime as the Chinese Communist Party has committed against Falun Gong. But, not just Falun Gong, the Uyghurs, Christians, [and] Tibetans have all been organ harvested while they are alive, unwilling, and between 20 and 40 years old—the prime of their life,” said Churchill, a naturopathic physician from Pasadena, Calif.
The world has never seen more horrific and barbaric crime as the Chinese Communist Party has committed against Falun Gong.— Dr. Dana Churchill, founding board member, Doctors Against Forced Organ Harvesting

Recent released findings on the number murdered go far beyond the original estimates of various investigators and organizations. “With Falun Gong, approximately 65,000 have been murdered, and that is according to DAFOH, our organization,” Churchill said.
On July 17, 2015, at a Washington, D.C., rally, after nine years of investigation, WOIPFG announced that it “has concluded that since July 20, 1999, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), led by its former head Jiang Zemin, has utilized China’s entire state apparatus to harvest organs from living Falun Gong practitioners as part of Jiang’s campaign to ‘physically destroy’ practitioners. This is genocide and a crime against humanity.”
Judy Feng, from New Jersey, volunteers to collect signatures at Santa Monica beach walkway with other Falun Gong practitioners wearing yellow T-shirts on Oct. 17, 2015. (Cat Rooney/Epoch Times)
Message to the Public
The messages of Falun Gong practitioners rallying in U.S. parks and streets are straight forward in their speeches, flyers, and banners, which include a call for bringing Jiang Zemin to justice and for mainland Chinese to withdrawal their membership from the CCP.
“We want the public to know that organ harvesting is happening in China, and we want it to stop,” said Judy Feng from New Jersey, who offered a flyer and petitions to people on the Santa Monica walkway on Oct. 16, 2015. She was one of several hundred Falun Gong practitioners wearing a yellow T-shirt that day who gathered there. She stood yards away from the rally where Churchill spoke and where dozens of people demonstrated Falun Gong’s gentle exercises.
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For any grassroots movement to be successful, it needs the public to be more than informed. They need to be moved and so become active in supporting the humanitarian cause.
Dr. Churchill’s message to the public was to get involved by talking to others: “Stand up. Do whatever you can to talk to somebody about it. Tell your relatives, your friends, your politicians—everybody you know. Just tell people about it and don’t stop until it’s stopped. Don’t give up.”
Investigators Findings

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Since meeting with former U.S. secretary of state Henry Kissinger on Nov. 2, Wang Qishan, the head of the Chinese Communist Party’s internal disciplinary agency, hasn’t made a single public appearance by himself. That’s nearly two months. Meanwhile, Wang’s deputies have been busy lecturing and investigating wayward cadres all around China.
His absence has been conspicuous and noted in the Chinese press. Popular Chinese Web portal Sina, for example, wrote a piece asking, “With Wang gone for over a month, what ‘big move’ is the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection planning?” (Actually, Wang has made perfunctory appearances, along with other members of the seven-member Politburo Standing Committee, since Nov. 2, but he has never been featured in a solo appearance since then, which triggered the current speculation.)
Wang’s disappearance from public view is the subject of speculation in Chinese media because over the last couple of years, Wang’s lengthy absences have always been followed by the fall of a “big tiger”—a Party term for high-ranking cadres, still in office or retired, who are widely suspected of corrupt activity.
Analysts say that Wang is likely preparing to take down members in the inner circle of Jiang Zemin, the former Party leader whose political faction, which had effectively run China for decades, has been decimated by Xi Jinping’s sweeping anti-corruption campaign.
The last time Wang “disappeared” in July, General Guo Boxiong, the former No. 2 in China’s military, was expelled from the Party and handed to military authorities to be prosecuted.
Shortly after Wang resurfaced after “disappearing” from May to June last year, the late General Xu Caihou, Guo’s counterpart in the Central Military Commission, and former security czar Zhou Yongkang, were formally investigated for corruption.
In this instance, it has been nearly two months since Wang met Kissinger at Zhongnanhai, the leadership compound in Beijing for the Party’s elite.
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During Wang Qishan’s latest absence, seven of his deputies—Zhang Jun, Wu Yuliang, Liu Jinguo, Yang Xiaodu, Wang Lingjun, Xiao Pei, and Chen Yong—visited 25 different Chinese cities, regions, and provinces to brief Party cadres on the updated Party disciplinary standards and regulations, which will be rolled out in January.
Party officials were investigated wherever Wang’s seven deputies lectured, sometimes even during the lunch recesses. According to Chinese business publication Caijing, Bai Xueshan, the vice chairman of Ningxia Autonomous Region, was arrested by disciplinary officers during a brief break in an all-hands cadre meeting there.
Ensuring that Party cadres run a tight ship in China isn’t the only thing concerning Wang and his seven deputies.
“When these high-ranking CCDI officials went to the various places, they weren’t there only to explain new discipline regulations,” recently wrote Zhou Xiaohui, a columnist for the Chinese edition of the Epoch Times. “They were there to oversee the next step of the anti-corruption campaign or even to do the preparatory work for Wang Qishan’s next ‘tiger’ takedown.”
“If a ‘big tiger’ is indeed purged or reported to higher authorities, he will be at least a deputy at the state level or a retired elite cadre with political influence,” Zhou wrote. Therefore, he speculated that “Zeng Qinghong and Ling Jihua are thus two likely candidates” for a takedown after Wang re-emerges.
Zeng Qinghong, the former vice president of China, is ex-Party boss Jiang Zemin’s powerful backroom operator and hatchet-man. While Ling Jihua, formerly a top aide to former Party leader Hu Jintao, was investigated in 2014 and expelled from the Party this July, he has yet to be formally prosecuted and sentenced.
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Political commentator Zheng Jiangwei told New York-based broadcaster New Tang Dynasty Television that Wang Qishan’s “disappearance” was in step with Xi Jinping’s military reform, a move that analysts say was in part carried out to consolidate Xi’s control of the military and his power.
“The dispatching of top CCDI officials from Beijing was actually a form of intimidation under the name of ‘providing guidance,’” Zheng said. “Its purpose is maintaining order and stability within the Party as the military is undergoing reform.”
And the “tight coordination” between the Wang and Xi suggests that “the top leadership is planning on making a major move,” he added.
In Zheng’s opinion, Wang and Xi are playing a game of chess, and their endgame is likely the arrest of Jiang Zemin. Once Xi Jinping fully controls the military, “the checkmate of the Jiang faction will become a reality,” Zheng said.

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This news analysis was originally dispatched as part of Epoch Times China email newsletters. Subscribe to the newsletters by filling your email in the “China D-brief” box under this article.
The Chinese regime’s mad creation to its east may have finally turned on its master, and it appears that Chinese leaders aren’t ready to accept the fact.
North Korea’s all-girl Moranbong Band was set to hold three invitation-only “friendship performances” in Beijing, starting Saturday night. Yet, on the afternoon before the performances, the group went to the Beijing airport where they caught the first flight back to Pyongyang.
North Korea’s actions were allegedly in response to a small Chinese delegation, which was sent to protest a claim from North Korean leader Kim Jong Un last week that he now has a hydrogen bomb.
The Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) Foreign Ministry didn’t seem to take offense—as they likely would have if any other nation pulled such a move. According to Reuters, its spokesman, Hong Lei, said the CCP still wants cultural exchanges with North Korea, and the shows were cancelled due to “communication issues at the working level.”
One of the CCP’s mouthpiece newspapers, the Global Times, published a similar claim, saying the cancellation was a “glitch” that wouldn’t have any long-term effects on the CCP’s ties to North Korea.
The “glitch,” however, was just one of many that has taken place recently in the CCP’s relations with North Korea. And in all cases, the CCP’s response has shown a level of muted restraint you’d be hard-pressed to find it showing anywhere else.
North Korea has been on a witch-hunt for Chinese spies. By October, the North Korean National Security Department had allegedly arrested, imprisoned, or executed more than a hundred Chinese nationals.
Some of the Chinese nationals were accused of being spies. Others were accused of illegally spreading videos, supporting “defectors,” working as money carriers, or holding religious activities.
The campaign didn’t end in October, either. DailyNK, a Seoul-based news source on North Korea, reported on Dec. 14 that even the Chinese ambassador to North Korea has been placed under investigation and is being monitored.
North Korea’s campaign against Chinese nationals, it reports, are part of an “emergency investigation” in every part of the country.
An unnamed source in North Korea told DailyNK that the campaign may be the Kim regime’s way of striking out at the CCP for getting too close to South Korea.
“Some Party cadres have even speculated that this move will spell the beginning of the end for Sino-North Korean relations,” it states.
The response from the Chinese regime has been uncharacteristically mild—at least when you consider how it would react if any other nation were to lash out against the CCP in such a manner.
Yet, the CCP’s mild response isn’t without reason. North Korea’s dictatorship is a product of Chinese intervention in the Korean War, and to this day the North Korean communist regime is sustained almost entirely by support from the CCP.
According to the Council on Foreign Relations, the CCP is North Korea’s main source of food, weapons, and energy. It states the CCP has helped sustain the regime by opposing “harsh international sanctions on North Korea in the hope of avoiding regime collapse and a refugee influx across their border.”
The CCP doesn’t support North Korea out of some benign sense of kinship, either. If that were the case, you’d likely see the CCP giving similar support and tolerance for its much-less-crazed communist neighbor in Vietnam.
Rather, it uses North Korea as a political tool—valuable inside China for propaganda, and valuable outside China as a tool for diplomacy.
In China, the CCP uses North Korea as a sort of reminder of the past—a preserved image of what China was like in the days of Mao. It reminds the Chinese that things could be worse.
Outside of China, North Korea serves other uses.
When North Korea makes its occasional threat of nuclear holocaust on South Korea, Japan, or elsewhere, the CCP can then approach these countries to help as an intermediary. This in turn, helps the CCP with diplomacy—particularly with South Korea.
Yet, it seems that under the hermit regime—where the drug methamphetamine is “offered as casually as a cup of tea,” according to Los Angeles Times—the air of paranoia is finally taking its toll.
And just like a drug dealer trapped in the same room with a junkie going through a psychotic episode, the Chinese regime has found itself the target in this latest bout of madness from the very thing it helped create.

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